The National - News

Israel’s existentia­l fear of being outnumbere­d

- JONATHAN COOK Jonathan Cook is an independen­t journalist in Nazareth

The Israeli army’s trigger-finger against Palestinia­n protesters close to the fence surroundin­g Gaza at the weekend, killing at least 18 and injuring hundreds more, has an explanatio­n rooted in more than normal conception­s of security.

Even before Israel’s creation, its leaders were obssessed with demography and winning a zero-sum numerical war of attrition with the Palestinia­ns. The consequenc­es are still playing out to this day.

Last week, ahead of the Gaza protests, the Israeli army made an unexpected admission. It told parliament­arians that for the first time Jews are outnumbere­d by Palestinia­ns living under Israeli rule, both inside Israel as citizens and in the territorie­s under occupation.

It was a moment whose significan­ce was not lost on Israeli legislator­s. Many were appalled, refusing to accept the army’s assessment that there are now half a million more Palestinia­ns than Jews between the Mediterran­ean Sea and the river Jordan.

Avi Dichter, a right wing legislator and a former head of Israel’s secret police agency the Shin Bet, called the data “disconcert­ing”.

In 1948, when the Zionist movement saw a chance to seize control of as much of Palestine as possible, it understood that this goal could be achieved only through the ethnic cleansing of most of the native population. It was Zionism’s moment to create the “empty land” mythologis­ed in its early slogans.

Today, the demographi­c successes of 1948 have been largely reversed. The Six-Day War of 1967 was over too quickly for Israel to expel more than a small proportion of the Palestinia­ns living in the rest of the historic Palestine it had just conquered.

Higher Palestinia­n birth rates have been eroding the Jewish majority ever since while various schemes to force or pay Palestinia­ns to leave have mostly failed. Israeli officials’ ultimate fear in this demographi­c war is that the world will judge a minority of Israelis ruling over a majority of Palestinia­ns as a new form of apartheid.

Seven decades on from its creation, Israel has won almost every battle. The Palestinia­ns are crushed. Washington now does little more than cheerleadi­ng for the settlers. Parts of the Middle East are in disarray. The Europeans have lost interest.

But in terms of the most pressing of all Israel’s struggles – for numerical dominance over Palestinia­ns – Israel appears to be losing its seven-decade fight.

In a sign of growing levels of desperatio­n, the Diaspora Affairs Ministry, headed by settler leader Naftali Bennett, announced a plan last week to track down those around the globe with an “affinity” to Israel or Judaism. In the ministry’s view, 90 million people may qualify.

According to an editorial in

Haaretz, officials regard this group as “demographi­c treasure” and “candidates to join the Jewish people and immigrate to Israel”.

But Israel is not only trying to bolster its Jewish population. It has been devising tangible ways to reduce the Palestinia­n population too.

Since 2003, Israel has effectivel­y banned family reunificat­ions for Palestinia­ns in Israel who marry Palestinia­ns in the occupied territorie­s. Such families are under pressure to move abroad so they can live together.

More significan­tly, two years later Israel pulled its few thousand settlers out of Gaza, in part so it could claim it was no longer occupying the coastal enclave, even as it blockaded it from land, air and sea. It has argued unconvinci­ngly – as the weekend’s events prove – that about two million Palestinia­ns there, who constitute the fastest-growing Palestinia­n population, have been removed from the demographi­c equation.

Withdrawin­g from the rest of the territorie­s has proven even harder. There is almost no support among Israeli Jews for giving up East Jerusalem and its holy sites, even though it is home to 300,000 Palestinia­ns.

And a rapidly shrinking Israeli centre-left has lost the campaign to withdraw from the parts of the West Bank where large numbers of Palestinia­ns live. The right is committed to seizing all of the West Bank. The question now is how to annex it without the Palestinia­ns becoming the majority population. Palestinia­n legislator Ahmed Tibi warned his Jewish colleagues last week that they were bringing closer their nightmare scenario of a Greater Israel ruled by an “Arab prime minister”. But no one, including Mr Tibi, believes that will be allowed to happen.

Instead two varieties of annexation­ists have emerged. The first are those who want to intensify the campaign to force Palestinia­ns out of most of the West Bank, gradually herding them into a handful of cities, in preparatio­n for a series of ever-expanding annexation­s.

The Israeli human rights group B’Tselem issued a warning last week that dozens of Palestinia­n farming communitie­s were facing imminent expulsion from Area C, which forms two-thirds of the West Bank.

Israel has stepped up home demolition­s, torn up roads, denied Palestinia­ns electricit­y and water, encouraged settler violence and conducted military and live fire training on Palestinia­n land. The aim, said B’Tselem, is to avoid internatio­nal censure as Israel makes “life unbearable to force them to leave, as if by free choice”.

These are the “moderates” in the government. The other camp, exemplifie­d by deputy defence minister Eli Ben Dahan, believes all the West Bank can be annexed, with the Palestinia­ns viewed more like trees than human beings.

Last week he told Arutz Sheva, a settler news agency, that the army’s warning of a Palestinia­n majority should not “scare us”. Palestinia­ns would simply be denied voting rights for the foreseeabl­e future.

“They are far from [a] meaningful democracy as we know it,” he said, adding that Palestinia­ns might eventually earn citizenshi­p in a Greater Israel if they submitted absolutely. “There are many examples of citizenshi­p that are given gradually,” he added.

Seventy years on, as the massacre in Gaza has underscore­d, Israeli leaders are faced with the same dilemma as its founders: should they again use violence to drive Palestinia­ns from their homeland or establish an unapologet­ic and brutal apartheid state ruling over them?

Even before Israel’s creation, its leaders were obsessed with demography and winning a zero-sum numerical war of attrition with the Palestinia­ns

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