Hezbollah flaunts its support for Yemen’s Houthi rebels
Shiite groups’ mutually beneficial alliance serves both political and ideological ends, say analysts
Hassan Nasrallah, the elusive leader of Lebanese Shiite militant group Hezbollah, recently voiced his support for the Iranbacked Houthi insurgency in Yemen.
Although his statements angered Gulf countries and embarrassed Lebanon’s Saudi-allied leadership, they proved popular with his base.
His June 29 speech paid a particularly vibrant homage to the Houthis. “I, and all my brothers and the resistance in the world ... should bow in tribute to those fighters,” he said.
“I am ashamed to not be among you.”
The Yemeni government, which is backed by the Arab Coalition, responded indignantly.
Yemeni Foreign Minister Khaled Al Yamani wrote to his Lebanese counterpart Gebran Bassil complaining that Mr Nasrallah was “blatantly interfering in internal [Yemeni] affairs”.
In mid-August, a few months into the Arab Coalition’s offensive against the Yemeni port of Hodeidah, Hezbollah pushed its show of solidarity even further with anti-coalition statements and displays in its commemoration of the 2006 war it fought against Israel.
Only days later, a meeting between a Houthi delegation and Mr Nasrallah in Beirut was made public for the first time.
Meetings had been organised before but had been “under the table”, said Farea Al Muslimi, an associate fellow at the Chatham House think tank.
Houthi spokesman Mohamad Abdelsalam led the delegation, which also included Abdel Malek Al Ejri, a member of the Houthi’s political bureau, and Ibrahim Al Dailami, director of the group’s TV network, Al Masirah.
The main purpose of the visit, Mr Al Ejri said, was to thank Mr Nasrallah for his support to the Yemeni people.
In March 2015, Saudi Arabia entered the Yemen war along with several Arab states to prevent Iran from gaining influence via the Houthis, who had made strategic advances in the country through the capture of the capital Sanaa and other population centres.
Lebanese political analyst Lokman Slim, a prominent anti-Hezbollah voice, described the visit itself as “just a photo session”. Its true purpose was to make it clear to Saudi Arabia that Lebanon has become a “rear base for Iranians and the Houthis”.
His analysis was shared by UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr Anwar Gargash, who tweeted: “Lebanon cannot be a logistical or political base for the Houthis. Ignoring [this] will only exacerbate its repercussions.”
Lebanese officials did not react to the Houthis’ visit despite Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s public disapproval of Hezbollah’s political activities outside Lebanon, particularly in Syria, where its militia has fought alongside Syrian President Bashar Al Assad’s forces for the past six years.
The relationship between Hezbollah and the Houthis – both of which groups are vehemently anti-Israeli and anti-American – is mutually beneficial, analysts said.
“For Hezbollah’s constituency, the war in Yemen is straightforward – it is a continuation of the historic struggle between Sunni and Shiite,” said Hanin Ghaddar, a Friedmann Visiting Fellow at the Washington Institute.
“Additionally, talking about Yemen is a way of moving the debate away from Syria, a war with which people are beginning to lose patience.”
Hezbollah, which acts as a middleman on behalf of Iran in providing capacity building for the Houthis, is a “safe bet” for the rebels backed by Tehran, Mr Al Muslimi said.
“The Houthis’ dream is to emulate Hezbollah and be part of the [Yemeni] state while maintaining a militia. Abdel Malik Al Houthi [the rebel movement’s leader] even uses his finger like Nasrallah during his speeches.”
Yet, while Hezbollah serves as a regional power with expansionist visions, the Houthis ambitions are limited to within Yemen’s borders.
The nature of their relationship has been hotly debated. Mrs Ghaddar said she interviewed Hezbollah fighters who told her they had been to Yemen. Last June, the Arab Coalition was reported to have killed eight Hezbollah members.
The Shiite militia denies this. “The relationship between Ansar Allah [the Houthi movement’s official name] and Hezbollah is purely political,” said Samir Hassan, a Lebanese analyst close to Hezbollah.
“The visit was an opportunity for the Houthis to present their case to a political party which has sympathy for their cause”.
Hezbollah’s displays of solidarity with the Houthis are also an attempt by Iran to not be sidelined should a deal with the Saudis come through, according to Mr Al Muslimi.
“Iran is worried that any deal between the Houthis and the Saudis would be done at their expense.”
Only last year, Houthi spokesman Mohamad Abdelsalam told a Saudi newspaper that his group was ready to negotiate with the kingdom.
A “path of peace” was possible, he said, adding that “Saudi reassurances and understanding” had convinced them to participate in peace talks in Kuwait. These collapsed a few months later.
“There have been [recent] attempts,” at a Saudi-Houthi agreement, Mr Al Ejri acknowledged.
“But they are not clear yet”. The Saudi embassy in Beirut did not respond to a request for comment.
After the collapse of UN-sponsored peace talks in Geneva last week, fighting around Hodeidah, which the Houthis have controlled since 2014, intensified.
More than 70 rebel fighters were killed as the Houthis retreated from advancing Yemeni troops.
As the war drags on, the Houthis main ally, Iran, might be forced to reconsider its overseas interventions because of additional US sanctions later this year.
But, as Mrs Ghaddar pointed out, if those new restrictions push the moderates from office in Tehran, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps will consolidate its power and the Houthis may have more Iranian money at their disposal than ever before.
The Houthis’ dream is to emulate Hezbollah and be part of the [Yemeni] state while maintaining a militia FAREA AL MUSLIMI Associate fellow, Chatham House