The National - News

How will China stay an economic powerhouse while still going green?

- SHIRLEY YU Dr Shirley Yu is a political economist and non-resident fellow at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government

The common interpreta­tion of “crisis” in Chinese politics is a juxtaposit­ion of two opposing forces: threat and opportunit­y. For China, the pudding lies in the latter.

Last week, the country launched its whole-of-government plan for decarbonis­ation, centred on the economic potential of the renewable technology revolution, infrastruc­ture expansion and energy input transforma­tion. In contrast to the administra­tion of US President Joe BIden, which frames the crisis as an existentia­l threat to life as we know it, China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, sees climate change as an economic opportunit­y.

China wants to achieve carbon neutrality, but under one condition. When decarbonis­ation comes into conflict with its economic growth objectives, the former must be subordinat­e to the latter. As US political consultant James Carville famously said, “It’s the economy, stupid!”

The Chinese Communist Party’s renowned economist Liu Wei affirmed this approach, albeit with a more subtle tone, at the Green Economy Forum. “China’s developmen­t goal is to achieve basic modernisat­ion by 2035,” he said. To reach a GDP per capita of $20,000 by 2035, a vision commanded by Mr Xi, China must grow at a minimum speed of 4.8 per cent per year over the next 15 years. This economic target remains paramount and unwavering.

Twenty months after the first Covid-19 lockdowns, China is still painstakin­gly seeking growth momentum from within. But domestic consumptio­n is lacklustre at present, meaning state efforts to pump spending into infrastruc­ture is delivering diminishin­g returns. At the same time, the coffers are absorbing shocks from spiking global commoditie­s inflation.

China’s long-term prosperity may yet arise from consumptio­n. But for its leadership, China’s power can only be secured by its industrial manufactur­ing.

“Manufactur­ing is the lifeline of China’s National economy,” according to Mr Xi, who believes that without manufactur­ing might, China cannot achieve national rejuvenati­on. This is even truer in this era of supply chain deglobalis­ation.

When China’s manufactur­ing was crippled by a recent electricit­y shortage, the country moved swiftly to expand domestic coal production to support the sector, despite the impact for its carbon footprint.

So here comes China’s economic paradox in the current decade: the country’s manufactur­ing sector causes more pollution. How can China strengthen the heavily polluting manufactur­ing industries to consolidat­e its industrial power while ensuring its green energy transition?

The reality is that this unbridled decade for carbon emissions will enable China to lay out renewable energy infrastruc­ture, innovate in renewable energy technologi­es and complete its renewable energy supply chains.

So we will see a decade of dual-track developmen­t in China: the expansion of high-tech manufactur­ing ensured by fossil fuel inputs alongside the green energy revolution.

Over $10 billion worth of tax breaks have been offered to coal-fired power and heating companies as of August. Inside China, more coal has been mined and coal financing has been further secured by the Chinese Securities Regulator.

China is unabashed with its recent upgrade of coal output in order to save manufactur­ing. According to its Glasgow pledge, China has nine more years to expand its carbon footprint through 2030, its declared date for carbon peak.

The manufactur­ing industry consumes 57 per cent of China’s power but only produces slightly over a quarter of China’s GDP. Across the broad economy, manufactur­ing industries emit the highest amount of carbon per unit of GDP. If decarbonis­ation were the dominant priority, it would be compelling for China to reduce its manufactur­ing capacity first to align power consumptio­n with economic output.

The high-carbon industrial emitters include not only the dirty steel and mining industries but also the technology-defining semiconduc­tor manufactur­ers. Decarbonis­ation will add further cost to China’s already laborious drive to chip independen­ce.

The country saw an accelerati­ng reduction of its manufactur­ing capacity even before the carbon pledge. Manufactur­ing contribute­d about a third of economic output in 2016 and only about a quarter in 2020.

China’s net-zero carbon pledge is sure to further encroach on China’s global manufactur­ing prowess, and that could actually be dangerous.

The services economy has increasing­ly replaced the industrial economy, representi­ng over half of China’s output in the current decade. Decarbonis­ation will further bias services over manufactur­ing.

Of the many valuable lessons China has learned from US economic developmen­t, this one is particular­ly alarming. A strong global power can simply not thrive without robust and comprehens­ive manufactur­ing supply chains at home.

Outsourced manufactur­ing has produced disenfranc­hised workers in the American Rust Belt states. It has fragmented social cohesion and brought populism to the fore of economic thinking. Once the manufactur­ing capacity leaves for more competitiv­e global

The reality is that this unbridled decade for carbon emissions will enable China to build its renewables infrastruc­ture

markets, it is virtually impossible to restore it at home again.

China must avoid the US manufactur­ing conundrum.

Still, decarbonis­ation is undoubtedl­y a major opportunit­y for China. The hydrogen industry will balloon to $157 billion by 2025, according to the national developmen­t plan. As the Chinese economy desperatel­y seeks the next growth engine, decarbonis­ation will unleash a sustainabl­e wave of infrastruc­ture and tech-induced industrial revolution.

“We have a narrative problem with climate change. We don’t have a human enemy to build a catchy story,” historian and author Yuval Noah Harari entertaini­ngly told the New York Times this week. Tech explosion, economic growth and employment opportunit­ies from the green energy revolution must be the catchy stories of our times. They are not only personal but alluring.

For the moment, we need to rethink the global narrative on climate change. Rather than a doom’s day threat, let it be the opportunit­y to fire up the global economy.

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