The National - News

War of words between Biden and Putin has worrying repercussi­ons for world

- RAGHIDA DERGHAM Raghida Dergham is executive chairwoman of the Beirut Institute and a columnist for The National

When the leaders of two global superpower­s take personal jabs at each other, their very public exchange becomes more than a mere spectacle. It becomes a source of anxiety and alarm.

US President Joe Biden and Russian President Vladimir Putin have engaged in a war of words in recent days, and as both men seek re-election at different points this year, the foreign policy dimensions of these elections extend from Europe to the Middle East and the Red Sea.

Despite the notion that Mr Putin favours Mr Biden’s re-election – as he said last Wednesday – several reasons suggest otherwise. Chief among them is Mr Biden’s pivotal role in galvanisin­g Nato and fortifying its support for Ukraine, ultimately expanding the group’s membership. Russia’s internatio­nal standing has declined lately, due in part to American and European sanctions after the outbreak of war in Ukraine two years ago.

In contrast to Mr Biden, his predecesso­r and presumptiv­e opponent – Donald Trump – is vowing to resolve the Ukraine conflict not through military decisivene­ss that would favour Kyiv but through a deal with Moscow. Mr Trump has also pledged unequivoca­lly that Ukraine will not join Nato on his watch. It is a position that, logically speaking, would favour Russia.

This means that Mr Putin’s suggestion that Moscow would like to see Mr Biden defeat Mr Trump appears to be a tactic to unsettle the US administra­tion. Mr Biden surely knows this, particular­ly as the governing Democratic Party holds lingering resentment towards the Kremlin for historical reasons, accusing it of meddling in the 2016 presidenti­al election that led to Mr Trump’s victory over Hillary Clinton.

However, this does not imply that Moscow eagerly awaits a Trump presidency, especially due to his unpredicta­bility. Even as he sparred verbally with Mr Biden, Mr Putin took to the skies aboard a modernised, Soviet-era nuclear bomber to remind the West of its potency in potential nuclear conflicts. In response, the US cautioned against launching nuclear anti-satellite weapons into space, categorisi­ng it as a perilous escalation in Cold War power dynamics and a breach of the 1967 treaty prohibitin­g nuclear weapons in space.

Moscow denied having any intentions to manufactur­e and launch weapons into space, accusing the Biden administra­tion of a “malicious fabricatio­n” aimed at securing US Congressio­nal approval for military aid to Ukraine. Concurrent­ly, American diplomats mobilised efforts to garner internatio­nal condemnati­on against Russia, reaching out not only to the G7 but also to China and India, urging them to censure Moscow for jeopardisi­ng global stability with a potential nuclear arms race in space.

The US Department of the Treasury then announced sanctions on more than 500 entities and individual­s, coinciding with the second anniversar­y of the war in Ukraine. This marks the most extensive US sanctions package against Moscow to date. Some of these sanctions, crafted in collaborat­ion with other nations, specifical­ly target the Russian military-industrial complex and companies in third countries facilitati­ng Moscow’s alleged access to sanctioned goods.

These sanctions carry profound consequenc­es for Russia and are aimed at increasing its internatio­nal isolation. And yet today, isolation is not limited to Russia. It also affects the US – not due to the war in Ukraine but rather because of Washington’s stand in the Gaza conflict.

At a recent G20 meeting in Brazil, America found itself isolated. It faced criticism for shielding Israel from accountabi­lity and for, once again, using its veto power to block a UN Security Council resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.

At the meeting, ministers from various countries – including from allied nations such as Australia – spoke candidly, delivering sharp criticisms against Washington. Brazil and South Africa, along with other nations, expressed dissatisfa­ction with US protection of Israel and strong displeasur­e with Israeli actions against civilians in Gaza. Countries such as Spain, Ireland and Argentina were among those displaying dismay and anger too.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken avoided confrontat­ion, responding simply by saying: “There may be difference­s over tactics … but we’re trying to focus on actually getting results.” Indeed, the Biden administra­tion continues to seek a new formula to resolve the Gaza crisis, as it attempts to revive the two-state solution.

The Gaza issue holds less significan­ce for Russia right now, as it remains focused on the war in Ukraine and on its rivalry with the West. What carry weight for Russia are assurances it has reportedly received from Iran, that the Houthi operations in the Red Sea will not affect Russian interests or those of its friends.

In a speech to be delivered on Thursday, Mr Putin is expected to clarify Russia’s strategic position and the nature of its relations with the West. From describing it as no longer a friend of Moscow, will he label it an “enemy”?

This would underscore the serious deteriorat­ion in relations and no foreseeabl­e prospect of their restoratio­n.

There are worries that tensions will escalate, reaching a dangerous confrontat­ion between nuclear states. The danger lies particular­ly in the breakdown of communicat­ion between the Russia and the US.

Internatio­nal confusion is evident in various files, notably the conflict in Ukraine and the Israel-Gaza war for the Europeans. The ongoing discussion­s do not focus on a comprehens­ive resolution to these conflicts. They settle for the limits of “crisis management” and working towards “lasting stability”, not towards achieving a “peaceful settlement” or peace with unequivoca­l guarantees for Israeli security.

Russia is outside the scope of the US’s search for a new “mechanism” based on de-escalation and diplomatic resolution with vague assurances. Washington’s focus, instead, is on a new axis that includes influentia­l Arab countries, particular­ly those that have access to Hamas. I am given to understand that the Biden administra­tion seeks to coerce Iran into persuading Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis to de-escalate. If successful, the chances of the war in Gaza expanding into a regional conflict are low.

Meanwhile, the worry is that even as Mr Biden continues to tread cautiously with the Israeli government and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his war of words with Mr Putin has so far been unrestrain­ed. In an election year, this carries added significan­ce.

The verbal dispute reflects not just how bad US-Russia relations are but also the danger of further deteriorat­ion

 ?? Getty ?? Joe Biden, left, and Vladimir Putin during their summit in Geneva, Switzerlan­d, in June 2021
Getty Joe Biden, left, and Vladimir Putin during their summit in Geneva, Switzerlan­d, in June 2021
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