The National - News

If the whole world could vote, who would win: Biden or Trump?

- RAGHIDA DERGHAM Raghida Dergham is executive chairwoman of the Beirut Institute and a columnist for The National

As the US election season kicks into high gear, the world is dreading the prospect of either President Joe Biden or his predecesso­r, Donald Trump, running the country for another four years.

The election could be decisive, given the personalit­ies and ages of the two men who embody the deep divide in American public opinion. What if either candidate experience­s a health setback? What do their foreign policy stances mean for the world? And how might each campaign be shaped by internatio­nal events, between now and November?

Global issues have taken a backseat for now, with domestic challenges – particular­ly immigratio­n – dominating the campaigns. Moreover, neither contender finds it necessary to make firm commitment­s on the big internatio­nal issues because that could limit their room for manoeuvre in the long run.

They won’t be expected to stake out clear positions until their respective party convention­s in the summer, although Mr Biden will find it more difficult to steer clear of such issues than Mr Trump, given his position as the incumbent.

That said, both leaders are clear in their absolute support for Israel and its determinat­ion to either eliminate Hamas or at least severely debilitate the group. Both leaders will want to increase US military and financial support to Israel. After all, both candidates believe that their electoral prospects hinge on their support for an ally at war.

However, they also recognise the element of surprise that may lie in votes from Arabs, Muslims, African Americans and youth who oppose Israel’s brutal campaign against Palestinia­n civilians. Consequent­ly, they are monitoring states such as Michigan, as the election outcome could be influenced by as little as a 2 per cent margin of votes.

Perhaps aware of this, the Biden team has been leaking informatio­n regarding the President’s dissatisfa­ction with the Israeli government.

But recent revelation­s in The Washington Post about the Biden administra­tion’s arms deliveries to Israel since the start of the Gaza war, which continued even as Mr Biden criticised Israeli military actions, exemplifie­s the duplicity behind misleading public opinion and voicing public approvals through the US Congress. Those banking on a shift in American public opinion towards Israel should closely examine the organic US-Israel relationsh­ip.

Divisions within the Democratic Party have forced the Biden administra­tion to put together an incoherent humanitari­an strategy, with the President striving to appear compassion­ate towards Palestinia­n civilians. This explains why he has adopted the controvers­ial tactic of air-dropping aid into Gaza as well as the idea of establishi­ng a seaport in Gaza for the same purpose. One might argue that Mr Biden is trying to make the best of a bad situation. However, his apparent inability to pressurise an extremist Israeli government exposes weakness. Mr Biden is attempting to navigate between two wings of the Democratic Party. On the one hand, his government vetoes UN Security Council resolution­s to impose a ceasefire on Israel. On the other, it plays the humanitari­an card.

Some of this nuancing could benefit Mr Trump, who isn’t obligated to win over the Republican Party in the same way. But he understand­s the language of elections and sees it in his interest to emphasise major issues that would please the party’s rank and file, including Israel’s security. Thus, he has reiterated support for Israel without delving into the swamp of details.

For now, he will simply try to focus on talking about Mr Biden’s weaknesses.

Meanwhile, the rest of the world is forced to contend with both candidates. It is already aware of Mr Trump’s impulsive nature, but it has also become acquainted with Mr Biden’s apparent duplicity regarding the war in Gaza.

The coming months could be pivotal, not only from a US election standpoint but from those of Washington’s allies and rivals. One developmen­t to keep track of is the rise in tensions between Nato and Russia, which could come to a head at the end of June, when

It’s a tough choice between the apparently duplicitou­s incumbent and his disruptive predecesso­r

Nato is set to deliver F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine.

The Nato summit is scheduled for July 9-11 in Washington and will impose itself on the US presidenti­al candidates. The European Parliament­ary elections a month earlier could also be crucial.

Mr Trump has barely concealed his annoyance with Nato members. Over the weekend, he met Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban who has had quarrels with Nato, even though his country is a member state. Mr Biden, on the other hand, boasts of uniting Nato members and expanding the alliance, challengin­g Russia, and insisting on supporting Ukraine in its war with Moscow through weapons and financial aid.

The leadership in China, meanwhile, has so far ensured that its competitio­n with the US does not spiral into needless confrontat­ion. So is the case with the Iranian regime, which as of today does not seek to provoke the West into a direct confrontat­ion.

For these reasons and more, the world will wait and watch for the US election to take place before considerin­g the next steps.

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