Daily Mail

Week that proved your vote counts for nothing

Three years ago Britain voted for Brexit. Now, making a dangerous mockery of democracy, MPs have decided they know better – and won’t even let you have an election. It’s why a top political author says this was the...

- by Douglas Murray The Madness Of Crowds, by Douglas Murray, is published by Bloomsbury Continuum on September 17 at £20.

THE mess we are currently in began three and a quarter years ago but reached a cacophonou­s crescendo this week.

Although the question on the EU referendum ballot paper in 2016 was a simple ‘Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?’, it has become clearer than ever that the political class wanted us to vote one way.

If we had chosen ‘ Remain’, as most of the Establishm­ent expected, Britain would still be stuck in an unhappy marriage with Brussels. However, the country voted the ‘wrong’ way. We voted to get out of that unhappy arrangemen­t.

As it happens, the British people’s decision wasn’t that extraordin­ary.

In the past, whenever other member countries were given a vote on the EU, they too had said ‘Stop!’ The Dutch shouted it at the ballot box some years earlier when they were asked to ratify a proposed constituti­on that drove Europe towards being more of a superstate. The Irish snubbed Brussels in a similar referendum in 2008.

But these countries were ignored and were told to vote again until they swore subservien­ce to Brussels as it steamrolle­red along regardless. Yet some of us thought Britain was different.

When Prime Minister David Cameron and most others across the political establishm­ent said the 2016 vote would be a final, once-in-alifetime decision on Britain’s membership of the EU, we believed them. When they said that if we voted to leave, that wish would be respected, we believed them. When they also warned that we would have to leave the EU without a deal if no good deal with Brussels was forthcomin­g, we believed them. And we voted accordingl­y.

After the Brexit vote, an Italian-born friend of mine who voted Leave, said: ‘They’ll never let us leave.’

I thought she was wrong. I naively believed that the legacy of Gladstone, Disraeli, LloydGeorg­e, Churchill and Thatcher was an ineradicab­le one of democracy based on Parliament­ary sovereignt­y. That this was a country whose MPs recognised that they must represent the people, not use Parliament against the people. Well, it seems that view was wrong. Because as this disgracefu­l last week has shown, Britain has an entire political class that has spent three years trying to do just one thing: trick us, force us, or bore us into having that 2016 vote cancelled.

Of course there were ominous signs from the start. Cameron never bothered to plan for Britain to leave the EU. Nobody in Whitehall seriously prepared for a ‘Leave’ result. And, of course, infighting among figurehead­s of the Leave campaign immediatel­y after the referendum handed the keys to No 10 to Theresa May.

It grieves me to say it, but she proceeded to embrace the opportunit­ies of Brexit with all the enthusiasm of a horse trotting through the doors of a knacker’s yard.

BUT

even the years of the May government did not show the political class in all its horror. It took this past week for that to be revealed. First, consider the position that the Labour opposition now expounds.

This is a once-proud party. The party of Clement Attlee and other patriots.

All his other vices aside, Labour is now led by a man who has spent the past three years facing three different ways: claiming to respect the EU referendum result; in favour of ignoring the vote and backing those who want to reverse the result.

Yet not until this week had Jeremy Corbyn and his party tried to publicly defend holding all these views, and more, in such a transparen­tly ridiculous and disingenuo­us manner.

As the appallingl­y supercilio­us and patronisin­g Emily Thornberry confirmed on BBC1’s Question Time on Thursday night, her party’s policy is that if it became government, it would do the following.

It would renegotiat­e the current Brexit deal with Brussels. At the end of that renegotiat­ion, it would hold a second referendum. And during that referendum, it would argue against its own deal.

Could any stupidity better exemplify this wretched political class?

Until this week, watching

people such as shadow Foreign Secretary Thornberry and her party’s lamentable shadow Justice Secretary, Richard Burgon, try to explain their views was almost funny if it wasn’t so serious a subject.

For months, they have daily been calling for a General Election, but we suspected they didn’t really want one because they feared they would lose. But then, this week, their tactic turned from silly to sinister.

Thankfully, with Thornberry’s execrable performanc­e, the public now knows the truth about Labour’s confused and unscrupulo­us policy.

And the rot is endemic across Westminste­r. A fortnight ago, MPs squealed that the Prime Minister’s decision to prorogue Parliament — and cut short the autumn break by three days — was a ‘coup’.

How absurd considerin­g that this Parliament has achieved nothing substantia­l in relation to Brexit in three years and three months. Would sitting for three more days really make any difference?

The truth is that it is long overdue for this Parliament to be put out of its misery — particular­ly as we have seen this week that it didn’t have the sense or decency to kill itself and put us out of our misery, too. The rot of this Parliament has seeped deep into the foundation­s of our political system. Every part is now compromise­d.

We have a Commons Speaker who berates members of the Government on tiny issues of protocol. But he himself has torn up centurieso­ld convention­s.

WHILE

the Speaker’s role should be that of a ringmaster, John Bercow has taken it upon himself to be a ring-leader. Shamefully, he has spent recent weeks plotting with the opposition against the Government.

Then there are the members of the Conservati­ve party who have chosen to pretend that the 2016 vote is still up for negotiatio­n. It is

amazing watching Sir Nicholas Soames, Ken Clarke and others behave the way that they have.

These are serious heavyweigh­ts of the political scene — noble and lifelong members of the Conserva-tive tribe. But the Conservati­ve party called the referendum. The Conservati­ve party has said — under three consecutiv­e Conservati­ve Prime Ministers — that it would enact the result of the referendum.

Soames, Clarke and their fellow 19 rebels cannot pretend that they did not know this was the plan. And if they disapprove­d, they should have absented themselves from this process long ago. It is no exaggerati­on to say that if the Conservati­ve party does not see the Brexit vote through, then it will be toast. Off to the graveyard of political history, with the National Liberals, at best.

And yet when the Prime Minis-ter needed their votes this week in what was in essence a confidence vote in a precarious­ly positioned Conservati­ve government, these Tory rebels chose to side with its enemies.

Their treachery suggests they would rather have a Jeremy Corbyn government than have the No Deal Brexit that was always a final possibilit­y.

What’s more, by attempting to tie their own government’s hands, they have tried to ensure their boss, the Prime Minister, can’t carry out his policy and is locked into ‘a deal at any price’ despite being opposed to it. What the 21 rebels have done is not just profoundly anti- democratic, it’s dangerous.

I thought this Parliament could not sink any lower. But it continues to do so.

One of Nick Clegg’s few ‘achieve-ments’ as Deputy Prime Minister was to introduce the Fixed-Term Parliament­s Act. This stipulated a Parliament should last five years unless there is a two-thirds major-ity in the Commons to dissolve it.

This week, the Labour party and Tory rebels tried to trap Boris Johnson in that vice. By refusing to give him the majority of MPs needed to call a General Election, they have despicably betrayed the public.

For his part, Johnson, over recent weeks, has shown himself to be perhaps the only leader left in public life in Britain willing to do what the public asked for.

He recognises the central truth — which is that there is no form of Brexit so bad that it would be worse than having no Brexit at all. He is fully aware that not leaving the EU would be the most profound hammer-blow at the heart of our democracy.

I fear we would not overcome the effects for generation­s.

For failure to deliver Brexit in some form would show that we do not really have a democracy.

Instead, it would send a message to the world that we have a bureau-cratic class which decides when it does, and does not, listen to the public’s verdict at the ballot box.

That may have been tolerable in Holland and even Ireland — where votes against Brussels were reversed — but never until this era did it seem imaginable in Britain.

By saying he wishes Britain to leave the EU on October 31 with or without a deal, Johnson has shown that he understand­s the implicatio­ns of such a potential betrayal.

SO JUST how has Parlia-ment reacted?

By seizing control of the Brexit process and attempting to hijack the man trying to see through the verdict of the referendum, MPs have attempted to force Johnson to be as disloyal to the public as they themselves have been.

It was an appalling low-blow for the Prime Minister’s MP brother to stab him in the front.

The Labour party has been crowing about this act of fratri-cide along with other opponents of Brexit and the Prime Minister.

The brutal fact is that we are now looking into an abyss.

It is not the abyss of a No Deal Brexit. Britain is strong enough, rich enough and resourcefu­l enough to get through any temporary trading hitches that would result from that. I believe that a terrific future could still lie before us.

But the abyss is a political one of Parliament’s making. Whether we fall in or pull back will deter-mine whether we protect the soul of this country.

Of course, history tells us that a number of democracie­s have faced such abysses before. But Britain never has.

However, this is the terrible prospect considerin­g that we are now faced with a Parliament that is wilfully set against its people.

We can cope with many things in this country. We have dealt with lacklustre government­s before. Goodness knows, we have endured third-rate Parliament­arians.

But never before have we had to see our votes stolen by a Parlia-ment packed with men and women who first ignore the people and then refuse to make them-selves accountabl­e to the people.

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