Daily Mail

A morale boost for Boris, but victory’s STILL far from certain

- By Professor Philip Cowley Philip Cowley is Professor of Politics at Queen Mary University of London and an editor of Sex, Lies and Politics: the Secret Influences That Drive our Political Choices, published by Biteback.

Despite all the fanfare, Nigel Farage’s announceme­nt that the Brexit party will not stand in the 317 seats won by the Conservati­ves at the last election is less of a concession than he would like you to think.

Given the state of the polls, with the Conservati­ves ahead and the Brexit party suffering a decline, the Government would expect to hold almost all these constituen­cies anyway.

the problem for the tories is that this doesn’t amount to the majority needed by the prime Minister to pass his Brexit deal.

to achieve this, they need to take seats currently held by the Labour party, those which the Brexit party will still contest.

And while the precise figures are in dispute, the Brexit party is expected to take around two votes from the Conservati­ves for every one vote it takes off Labour, making it tougher for the tories to make gains in these areas. this is especially concerning for the tories given that many of their key targets are seats where a majority voted for Brexit, such as those in Wales or the Midlands. With the Brexit vote split in those areas, that remains an uphill struggle.

so despite yesterday’s agreement, on paper nothing very much has changed. the main problem faced by the Conservati­ves before Farage’s announceme­nt – that the Brexit vote risks being split in target seats – still exists.

But elections aren’t fought on paper, and there are several ways this new alliance could impact on the final result. For while Farage’s announceme­nt doesn’t really help the tories make advances, it does make their defensive task easier.

More than two thirds of the most marginal Conservati­ve-held seats are places where a majority voted for Brexit. tory Mps sitting on small majorities in these areas will be relieved. in southampto­n, itchen, for example, tory Mp Royston smith is sitting on a majority of 31 votes in a constituen­cy that voted 60 per cent for Leave. He would have been a prime target for the Brexit party. Without that threat in those constituen­cies, the tories should be able to shift some resources away from defending constituen­cies they currently hold to targeting Labour seats.

the tories, however, will reap these benefits only in Leave-voting seats because Farage’s announceme­nt will matter less in constituen­cies where the Conservati­ves are facing a Liberal Democrat challenge. these largely Remain-voting seats in the south West tend not to have been targets for the Brexit party anyway.

putting technicali­ties to one side for a moment, perhaps the most significan­t effect of yesterday’s announceme­nt is on what electoral strategist­s call ‘optics’.

Yesterday, Farage presented his party’s stance as a Leave Alliance – albeit a somewhat one-sided partnershi­p. this is certainly how the various Remain supporting parties will brand it, in an attempt to undermine support among Conservati­ve Remainers who might be persuaded that its creation shows the Conservati­ves are identical to the Brexit party.

indeed, within a matter of hours of Farage’s speech, Liberal Democrat leader Jo swinson tweeted that ‘the Conservati­ve party are the Brexit party now’.

Yet i am not convinced that everyone will buy into the idea that this new electoral pact is a great victory for Farage. in fact, i wouldn’t be surprised if some Brexit party voters regard Farage’s message yesterday as a tacit endorsemen­t of the Conservati­ves – and vote accordingl­y.

After all, if Farage really thinks that the prime Minister’s deal is unpalatabl­e why would he now allow the Conservati­ve candidates to run unchalleng­ed in half the country?

Whatever the truth of it, yesterday’s announceme­nt was no gamechange­r. it is simply that the chances of a Conservati­ve majority did increase ever so slightly.

‘Impact on the final result’

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