Daily Mirror (Northern Ireland)
Regaining trust a hill for Executive to climb
“DAY by day, slowly but surely, politics here is changing. And it’s for the better.”
Five years ago last week, this was the opening line of a now infamous joint article by the DUP and Sinn Fein saying how well they were working together in government.
With the benefit of hindsight, it is now highly ironic in how catastrophically wrong it was.
“This is what delivery looks like,” said First Minister Arlene Foster and Deputy First Minister Martin Mcguinness.
“No gimmicks. No grandstanding. Just ministers getting on with the work.”
They railed against rival parties for staying out of the powersharing Executive and opting for the Assembly opposition benches.
The ministers warned that if they had done the same, “that would have opened the door to years of direct rule – Conservative ministers ruling over us without a mandate”.
Thy added: “Rest assured this Executive is not going to abandon you to that.”
Within weeks, the RHI scandal erupted. The Executive collapsed. Three years followed without a devolved government.
It comes as a surprise to frankly no-one then that a new survey has found the public is deeply disillusioned with the Stormont administration.
More than two-thirds of people regard it as dysfunctional, according to the Ipsos Mori survey for the University of Liverpool.
And only 7% thought the Executive performs effectively as a government, while fewer than a third of people surveyed believe devolution is as effective as in the past.
It is not hard to reason why public confidence in Stormont may be at such a low ebb.
The lengthy “cash for ash” inquiry identified a multiplicity of mistakes in the running of the Renewable Heat Incentive scheme, but many of its recommendations remain unimplemented – and only one civil servant was formally disciplined.
The New Decade, New Approach deal which restored devolution in 2020 had more than 80 wideranging pledges, but many remain outstanding.
An £800,000 report on dealing with flags and bonfire controversies, completed more than a year ago, has not even been published let alone implemented.
And just this week an Assembly committee set up to consider a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland was suspended after a row over delays in establishing a panel of experts.
Granted, the coronavirus crisis has been a huge unforeseen challenge that has taken necessary priority over the past year-and-a-half, making progress in other areas more difficult.
The work of MLAS and the Assembly to press ahead with a significant volume legislation within a tight time frame before the current mandate falls should also be acknowledged.
While there have been disagreements, delays and indecision over the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, there have been bright spots too in Stormont thinking.
The High Street voucher scheme, although the roll-out had its problems, has been welcomed by struggling businesses as an effort to boost the economy during the pandemic.
Around 42% said power-sharing was the most appropriate form of government for Northern Ireland, though 61% believe it could be improved with further reforms.
Meeting the challenges of the “day-to-day bread and butter issues”, as Mrs Foster and Mr Mcguinness’ joint platform piece described them, is still a work in progress. But it seems despite its problems, many voters still see devolution as the best option available.
It is not hard to reason why confidence in Stormont may be at a low ebb