Evening Standard

Democrats’ dodgy dealing could be another blow to Clinton

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Emily Maitlis

BETWEEN the chaos of one US c o nve n t i o n , t h e Re p u b l i c a n s in Cleveland, and the next, the Democrats in Philadelph­ia, lay 10 hours of open road and another picture of America. I d rove i t wi t h a film c re w f ro m Newsnight, taking in rolling pastures and barren industrial wasteland. What unites them is that they are the highly prized elec toral battlegrou­nd that could decide the next election.

Our first stop was the tiny Amish town of Volant. My cameraman pulled over to show me the meticulous­ly hand-tied bundles of wheat . They use no electricit­y, no cars, no machinery — their way of life hasn’t changed for centuries.

Eve n though t h e y d i s l i ke b e i n g photograph­ed they generously invited us onto their land, happy for us to film. As I looked behind me a row of tiny spec t ators gathered to watch our camera at work. Twelve Amish children standing on a hay wagon — the smallest just seven months old and already wearing the Amish bonnet, the eldest, her 12-year-old sister, guarding her in her arms, eyeballing me in silence.

It is easy to get sentimenta­l about a people who seem so out of kilter with modern life. They are largely immune to the febrile political climate that has engulfed this country. They rarely vote. But here’s t he s t r a nge t hi ng: t hi s lifestyle — which predates globalisat­ion — h a s b e c o me a sort of curious blueprint for those Americans who now feel left behind by the speed of change. Their self-sufficienc­y — call it sovereignt­y, even — can seem rather appealing to a nation that keeps on being told it is no longer great.

Concerns about globalisat­ion voiced by Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders are often traced back to the crash of 2008. But of course their roots grew decades a go wh e n all t h e h e av y industry left the Rust Belt towns — less than an hour away from Volant.

Alequippa — our next stop — used to be at the vanguard of steel manufactui­ng — the factories along its river bank at one time employing more than 150,000 people. Now there’s nothing left. The streets are deserted. The businesses a re s hu t . On h i s p o r c h wa t e r i n g scorched busy lizzies I found Phil Byren, a long-time resident. He’s too young to remember the steel mills but he heard stories of the time the city was great from his mum and grandma. When I asked him if there was cause for optimism, he suddenly perked up. “Theres a new tattoo parlour in town, so maybe we’ve turned a corner.” He wasn’t joking.

These former workers are natural Democrats — once Sanders voters. Two weeks ago he confirmed his backing f o r Hi l l a r y C l i n t o n , and told his supporters to do the same. But the scandal that engulfed the first day of the Democrat convention has changed the game. The par t y chair woman resigned after email leaks suggested she had backed Clinton over Sanders against party rules of neutrality. His supporters now feel vindic ated in voicing what they long suspected: the nomination was a stitch-up.

And that r i g h t n ow i s C l i n t o n’s problem: suddenly Trump’s nickname for his opponent — “Crooked Hillary” — strikes a chord. Not with Republican­s, but with her own party. If the shrinking industrial heartland and the bucolic battlegrou­nd that surrounds them doesn’t think she played fair they may choose to st ay home — or go elsewhere.

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