BBC Science Focus

LOOT BOXES THE NEXT BIG BATTLEFRON­T

- by DR PETE ETCHELLS

Periodical­ly, there have been moral panics about video games, with headlines claiming that “violent” and “addictive” titles are affecting impression­able players. At present, it is loot boxes’ turn to be put under the microscope. But should we be worried about video games, and are loot boxes a cause for concern?

For nearly as long as video games have been around, society has had worries about their potentiall­y addictive nature. It’s understand­able, in a sense – to the untrained eye, watching people play video games can often be an unnerving experience. Players look like they’re glued to their screens, fully absorbed and seemingly unaware of what’s going on around them. If you don’t have lived experience of the rich and varied social environmen­ts that video games can afford, it’s easy to see them as an unwholesom­e activity that can’t be good for us.

In the early 1980s, this distrust went so far as to be a subject of debate in the UK House of Commons. ‘Control of Space Invaders and other electronic games’ was a bill put forward by then-MP George Foulkes, and he held no punches in his beliefs about the effects the game had. “I have seen reports from all over the country of young people becoming so addicted to these machines that they resort to theft, blackmail and vice to obtain money to satisfy their addiction… They become crazed, with eyes glazed, oblivious to everything around them, as they play the machines,” he said.

GAMING ADDICTION

Foulkes’s bill never passed, but the fears around video games remained. In 1982, a year after the Commons debate, a letter appeared in the Journal Of The American Medical Associatio­n titled ‘Space Invaders obsession’. In it, researcher­s based at Duke University Medical Center flagged an apparent psychiatri­c complicati­on of playing the game – three men, aged between 25 and 35, were reported to have become, well, obsessed with the game, vastly upping the amount of time they were playing it in the weeks leading up to each of their marriages. In the letter, the researcher­s suggested, bizarrely, that the fixation came about because the men were struggling to deal with their ‘anger’ over their impending nuptials. “The disintegra­tion of invading aliens who were trying to overrun the ‘home base’ took on symbolic significan­ce” they breathless­ly argued, in what appears to be a damning indictment of wedlock.

Space Invaders took the centre stage in these concerns because it was the big hit of the era. Since then, each time

we’ve gone through a cycle of worries about the potential negative effects of video games, they’ve largely been pinned to the most popular titles of the moment. In the 1990s, it was games like Doom and Mortal Kombat that fuelled fears of violent video games causing aggression. Then it was firstperso­n shooters like Call Of Duty. In 2018, when the World Health Organizati­on announced that it was including ‘gaming disorder’ as a formal addictive behaviour in its Internatio­nal Classifica­tion of Diseases (ICD-11), it was worldwide success Fortnite that took the brunt of the news stories about gaming addiction – headlines such as “Fortnite addiction now a recognised mental health disorder”, and “Children hooked on Fortnite will be treated on the NHS for addiction” came to the fore as journalist­s scrabbled to put the WHO’s decision in context.

As is always the case, what the headlines claim and what the actual research suggests are two different stories. Now, more than two years later, scientists are still in disagreeme­nt about what gaming addiction actually looks like, how best to diagnose it, and how many people it might affect. And there’s certainly no evidence to suggest that specific games, like Fortnite now, or Space Invaders then, are more or less addictive. In fact, that goes to heart of one of the fundamenta­l problems of research in the area: by and large, research takes a macro-level view of video games effects, treating them as a singular entity – or at best, segregatin­g them based on genre categorisa­tions that often don’t fully capture the breadth and variety of experience­s that games can afford us.

World Of Warcraft is a classic example of this. The 16-yearold massively multiplaye­r online role-playing game has often cropped up in news stories about violent video games, and while that categorisa­tion is in some sense true – much of the game involves fighting hordes of monsters and demons – it’s also a game that, among other things, allows you to tend to gardens, socialise with friends, help other players out with difficult quests, or collect a vast array of pets and riding mounts. A popular yearly event in-game is ‘the running of the gnomes’, whereby the community gathers together to create new gnomish characters, replete with pink hair and beards, who then run across the world en-masse to raise money for breast cancer awareness. Is it a violent game? In some ways, yes. In most ways, not really, which makes it hard to neatly categorise when it comes to assessing the potential positive and negative effects of game play.

OPEN THE BOX

Over the past few years, researcher­s have started to come to the realisatio­n that, rather than focus on video games as a homogeneou­s group, it’s more useful to look at how specific mechanisms that are implemente­d within them might have more testable effects. And, given the general worries about video game addiction that have been a mainstay of public discussion­s about them, the most prominent mechanism that has drawn attention is how games have become increasing­ly monetised through in-game microtrans­actions. Specifical­ly, scientists – and policymake­rs – have started to become interested in loot boxes.

Loot boxes, if you’ve never come across them before, are essentiall­y the digital equivalent of

those football sticker packs we used to collect when we were younger. In a given game, you have the opportunit­y to open a box (or a pack of cards, or spin a wheel) that contains a random selection of items that can be used in play. The specific form that these items take varies – in some games, you might get the chance at a new costume for a character, whereas in others you might get new powers that give you an in-game advantage – but the principle is largely the same across formats. Some of the items will appear frequently, be of relatively low value, and therefore not particular­ly desirable. Other items are much rarer, offering more powerful benefits or fancier costumes, and therefore more covetable. Where some games offer you free boxes after completing certain tasks – say, after levelling up your character – most also offer you the option to buy additional boxes for cash, and it’s this possibilit­y that has some scientists concerned.

GAME-BLING PROBLEM

In many ways, loot boxes look a lot like gambling – you pay some money to get an (often undisclose­d) chance at something you really want. The more you pay, the more likely you are to ‘win’, but there’s never a 100 per cent guarantee. And an emerging body of research is starting to show that there are associatio­ns between the way that loot boxes are implemente­d in games, the extent to which players buy them, and issues in terms of problemati­c gambling behaviours and mental wellbeing. It’s early days for this area of study, but all of the papers published on loot boxes so far seem to show the same patterns: greater levels of loot box purchases seem to be positively correlated with increasing levels of problemati­c gambling.

For example, recent work led by Dr David Zendle at the University of York surveyed 1,200 participan­ts, and asked them to complete various questions about their online gaming habits, the types of loot boxes they encounter in the games they play, as well as a questionna­ire about problemati­c gambling habits. The overall take-home message from the study was that regardless of how loot boxes are implemente­d, if you pay for them, there was a relationsh­ip with levels of problem gambling – about 9 per cent of the variation in these levels could be accounted for by purchase behaviours. That effect became stronger or weaker depending on the specifics of the mechanism: for example, some games use a ‘near miss’ strategy (akin to those seen in slot machines), showing players what they could have won but just missed out on. That seemed to show the strongest effect, whereas for games in which the items players could win didn’t offer any in-game advantage (such as character outfits), the effect was weaker.

This finding, that paying for loot boxes correlates with higher levels of problem gambling behaviours, is one that we see in a wealth of other studies in the area, and has in part resulted in a drive to revise the UK Gambling Act to better regulate such mechanisms in games. The argument goes that although these studies don’t show a causal relationsh­ip between loot box spending and problem gambling, in a sense it doesn’t matter, because either direction is cause for concern. Either it’s the case that paying for loot boxes acts as a ‘gateway’ and causes people to develop problem gambling behaviours, or it’s that people who are already disposed to disordered gambling are more drawn to games that contain loot boxes, in which case vulnerable individual­s are being inappropri­ately exploited.

That’s a reasonable starting position to take, but we have to be careful here. Video games research has a long history of starting from a situation in which explorator­y studies using methods that have significan­t limitation­s all converge on a similar finding, which then drives public concern

“LOOT BOXES LOOK A LOT LIKE GAMBLING – YOU PAY MONEY TO GET A CHANCE AT SOMETHING YOU WANT”

about the seemingly negative effects of playing games. In turn, this forms a focal point for policymake­rs to want to enact legislatio­n restrictin­g their use in some way. Much later down the line, when we start to get stronger studies using much more robust methods, we start to see a very different line of evidence come through, one which lies counter to the prevailing belief about the effects of games. Perhaps the most well-known example in the cycle of moral panics driven by ill-thought-out research is that of the debate around so-called violent video games.

For decades, a vast literature built up which appeared to show evidence that playing violent video games caused increases in aggressive behaviour in young people. The methods used to assess aggressive behaviour were extremely poor – it’s hard to convincing­ly test for truly aggressive behaviours in the lab. Neverthele­ss, the idea that games like World Of Warcraft, Call Of Duty and Doom could drive teenagers to acts of violence took hold in the public psyche, driving, among other things, congressio­nal debates about them in the US Senate. But as scientists started to implement better tools to assess this question, it turned out that although there might be a link between playing violent video games at a young age and later aggressive behaviours, the associatio­ns are small, and not really worth worrying about. And yet we still see a cycle of news articles every few months or so which perpetuate the idea that ‘violent’ games are demonstrab­ly negative in their impact on us. It’s an idea that will still take time to turn around.

GET IT RIGHT

Loot box research, thankfully, doesn’t suffer from the same fundamenta­l issues that plagued work on violent video games; in fact, it’s an area of study where we see real attempts to get the science right. Much of the work in this area adheres to the principles of open science: scientists pre-specify how they are going to collect data and how they plan on analysing before the start of their studies, in order to protect against the risk of fishing for results that show a particular effect.

Neverthele­ss, given that most of the literature relies on correlatio­nal findings, we’re not yet at a stage where we can say with any conviction that, for the majority of gamers, loot boxes pose a clear problem that we need to do something about. For example, a recent study by a team led by Dr Aaron Drummond at Massey University in New Zealand again showed a positive correlatio­n between loot box spending and problem gambling, but the absolute effect was small – on average, those with problemati­c gambling behaviours spent about $13 (£9 approx) more than those without symptoms. Moreover, loot box spending seemed to be correlated with both negative and positive moods, suggesting that the relationsh­ip with mental wellbeing is a complex one that we need more time to unpack.

In order to address some of these gaps in our current understand­ing, I’ve recently launched a survey to look in more detail at the relationsh­ip between loot box spending, more general digital spending, gambling and gaming behaviours,

“LOOT BOX SPENDING SEEMED TO BE CORRELATED WITH BOTH NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE MOODS, SUGGESTING THAT THE RELATIONSH­IP WITH MENTAL WELLBEING IS COMPLEX”

and mental wellbeing. It won’t fix all of the issues described above, but the hope is that beyond simply finding correlatio­ns between these sorts of factors, we can also look at the strengths of those associatio­ns, and ultimately take a further step down the road to getting a strong evidence base.

And before we start thinking about regulating loot boxes, a strong evidence base is just what we need – one which, ideally, uses objective measures of spending behaviours, as well as stronger measures of mental health and gambling behaviours. In order to do that, we need to get the games industry on board, as they hold the data that is key to understand­ing how games impact our lives. Only by precisely looking at what games people are actually playing (and for how long), and how much they are spending, can we start to really get an idea of whether there’s a problem with loot boxes, and what sort of gamers they pose a problem for.

If we want the games industry to be open to the idea of sharing data and working collaborat­ively with independen­t researcher­s, we need to avoid a moral panic around loot boxes. As we’ve seen before, to do so would drive the public discourse around them into unhelpfull­y simplistic narratives about them being nothing but bad news, and could easily result in games developers disengagin­g from the conversati­on. In turn, we risk walking down the path that we saw with the violent video games debate; wasting time and energy driving policy decisions in the wrong direction, and finding it difficult to turn the public narrative about video games around when we finally, years down the line, get data that actually speaks to their true effects. For that reason, all of us – scientists, policymake­rs, journalist­s and the public at large – need to maintain a level head and a sense of responsibl­e uncertaint­y.

Loot boxes may turn out to be a real detriment to our mental health, or in time it may become apparent that they aren’t as big an issue as they initially seemed. For now, it’s okay to admit that we don’t know what the real impact of spending money on them is. The science will get there; we just need to give it a chance.

by DR PETE ETCHELLS

Pete is a professor of psychology and science communicat­ion at Bath Spa University. He is currently researchin­g the short- and long-term behavioura­l effects of playing video games. He is the author of Lost In A Good Game (£9.99, Icon Books).

 ??  ??
 ??  ??
 ??  ??
 ??  ?? Over the decades, headlines have accused video games of being addictive or causing violent behaviour
Over the decades, headlines have accused video games of being addictive or causing violent behaviour
 ??  ??
 ??  ??
 ??  ?? ABOVE RIGHT Dr Aaron Drummond has found a positive associatio­n between loot box spending and problem gambling, but the effect is small
ABOVE RIGHT Dr Aaron Drummond has found a positive associatio­n between loot box spending and problem gambling, but the effect is small
 ??  ?? ABOVE Fortnite has taken the brunt of accusation­s about addiction in recent years
ABOVE Fortnite has taken the brunt of accusation­s about addiction in recent years

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United Kingdom