Some devolutions are more equal than others

I’M old enough to remember the political scene of the 1970s, when the Scottish National Party (SNP) were riding high. Their success worried established parties, who decided that devolving some powers to an assembly north of the border would lessen the demand for outright independence. So a referendum was held in early 1979, when 51.6 per cent of Scottish voters supported the setting up of a new political tier. But as Westminster had decided that nonvoters should be taken into account, the majority wasn’t deemed to be sufficient with just 32.9 per cent of the electorate (as against the minimum of 40 per cent required) backing devolution.

Meanwhile, the lesser electoral success of Plaid Cymru (PC) meant that voters in Wales also had the opportunity to have a limited degree of home rule. Voters, though, clearly weren’t convinced, with only 20.3 per cent of actual voters supporting a new assembly. Devolution therefore didn’t rear its ugly head until after Blair was first elected as Prime Minister.

Two further referenda were held. This time 74.3 per cent of Scottish voters wanted the creation of a Scottish Parliament, 63.4 per cent saying it should have tax-raising powers. The experience of 18 years of Tory rule and being used as guinea pigs for the hated Poll Tax had clearly an impact in convincing people they no longer wanted English parliamentarians to make decisions on their behalf.

In Wales, however, enthusiasm for an Assembly was certainly muted. Only 50.2 per cent of eligible voters could be bothered to turn out, with 50.3 per cent in favour of devolution. In major cities such as Cardiff and Newport there was a clear majority against the setting up of a new legislature, which nevertheless was to see the light of day two years later.

Why the difference as compared to Scotland? Well the SNP clearly fought on economic grounds, which mattered most to people who’d seen their livelihoods ruined. PC, however, were more a cultural organisation, with an over emphasis on the Welsh language. Indeed, while the pits and steelworks faced an uncertain future, one of their MPs went on hunger strike in support of a Welsh language TV station!

After an Assembly was set up, many who didn’t speak Welsh (more than 70 per cent of the population according to recent figures) felt they were being discriminated against by this obsession with the ancient language, with some moving to England as a result.

Which brings us to present day and the decision of the Welsh Government to impose such harsh anti-Covid measures. For there’s little difference between the population of the principality (3.14 million) and Greater Manchester (2.82 million). Yet Johnson can overrule Andy Burnham, while the Welsh First Minister can go it alone. And London with a population of 8.98 million has to accede to Westminster’s diktats, despite being larger than both Wales and Scotland (5.45 million).

It does appear that some devolutions are more equal than others, and that perhaps we should question the whole existence of a Welsh Assembly.