Scottish Daily Mail

Let’s back small investors

- Ruth Sunderland BUSINESS EDITOR

LABour’s ideas on employee ownership are misguided in the extreme but the party has hit on a weak spot in the uK economy – the failure of shareholde­r democracy.

one of the great hopes of the thatcher years was that the privatisat­ion of utility companies would create a nation of ‘sids’ – ordinary people with a personal stake in key industries such as water, gas and telecoms.

that, along with wider home-ownership through the sale of council houses and liberalisi­ng the mortgage market, was one of her biggest ideas for transformi­ng society.

unfortunat­ely, it has not turned out as she would have hoped. Direct share ownership by individual­s has fallen dramatical­ly, from 54pc of the market in 1963 to 28pc early in the thatcher years, to a mere 12pc today.

A number of utility companies, rather than being beacons of private share-ownership, have fallen into overseas hands. in some cases they were taken over by overseas government-controlled companies.

As for the building societies that floated on the stock market, creating thousands of new investors through their free share giveaways, none are left. they all, from HBos to Northern rock, Bradford & Bingley and Alliance & Leicester, fell victim to the credit crisis of a decade ago.

the proposal from Labour is to seize ten per cent of companies’ capital. ostensibly, this is for the benefit of workers but in reality it is a stealth tax.

Yet the underlying idea that ordinary small shareholde­rs could be a potent force for good in the economy is correct, and it is one the conservati­ves should heed.

individual private investors are, collective­ly, a sleeping giant, as yet unaware of their own powers. these are real. When owners get involved in a business, it tends to do better: there is plenty of evidence that companies with a high level of employee ownership have better productivi­ty.

SMALL shareholde­rs can also fulfil other useful functions, such as defending a company against an unwanted bid, as Marks & spencer discovered to its benefit when sir Philip Green came knocking with a takeover proposal in 2004.

the row over unilever’s plans to move its headquarte­rs from London to rotterdam is a prime example. one of the hurdles unilever needs to jump is for a majority of shareholde­rs to approve its proposal. in theory, therefore, its tens of thousands of private investors have more sway over its future than the 8,500 big city institutio­ns.

Private investors, once engaged, might actually be more challengin­g towards poor performanc­e and bad boardroom behaviour than the big city institutio­ns, which are often unwilling to rock the boat. of course, some companies are not particular­ly keen to enfranchis­e small shareholde­rs, fearing they will be troublesom­e.

this shouldn’t be an option. Whether directly, or indirectly as pension or isA savers, it is ultimately us who are the owners of uK plc, not city institutio­ns - the latter are merely the stewards of our cash and should act in our interest.

But the case of unilever highlights how the current system threatens to disenfranc­hise small investors. those who hold shares through platforms, in isAs or self invested pension plans are likely to find it expensive and difficult, if not impossible to use their full voting rights at unilever.

this is absurd. New technology should make it relatively cheap and easy for brokers and financial advisers, along with companies themselves, to make sure individual investors enjoy their full democratic rights.

Never mind corbyn and his madcap plans for a tax raid masqueradi­ng as employee share ownership. small investor power could be a major asset to corporate Britain – but only if we have a real shareholde­r democracy.

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