Dominic Raab:
Tories must puncture his mirage of egalitarianism and offer a meritocratic vision to lift social mobility
Yesterday Theresa May fleshed out the Government’s Brexit strategy, with plans for a Great Repeal Bill to take back democratic control from Brussels, and formal negotiations to begin by March. Yet alongside this vital work, we must not be complacent about the wider challenges at home, or the threat from Labour under Jeremy Corbyn. We need a renewed sense of urgency, to reinforce the strong start to Mrs May’s premiership, broaden our appeal – and make the Conservatives the party of the aspirational underdog.
For make no mistake, Corbyn is dangerous. He deserves respect as a conviction politician in an age of spin. His fringe politics make his ability to mobilise mass support all the more remarkable. He’s unlikely to expand that base to win power outright, precisely because he’s unwilling to trade principles for populism. Shortterm, Corbynistas are willing to sacrifice 10 to 15 points of Labour’s national vote, leaving the party on 30 per cent or below, to preserve a purer socialism of state intervention, mass redistribution of wealth and pacifistic idealism. That doesn’t mean Labour is giving up its thirst for power.
Under this model, Labour can only govern through coalitions, which requires the emergence of a new centre-Left coalition partner, a move to proportional representation (PR), or both. The arrival of a weak social democratic party, or a modest revival of the Liberal Democrats under Tim Farron’s Left-leaning leadership, could lead to a rainbow alliance united by a commitment to electoral reform.
Why trade the internal compromises of the Labour Party for those of coalition-building? Because if you are a proper socialist, you get more bang for your buck. As the big brother in any coalition, a Labour Party rebuilt as a continental-style socialist party would dilute fewer principles, appoint more comrades to government, and possibly change Britain’s political weather. And political trade-offs blamed on junior coalition partner are easier to swallow.
A commitment to proportional representation may appeal to Labour’s social democrats, desperate to set up a new party but fearing electoral oblivion. The mutual interest across factions beckons a velvet divorce. Among MPs, from Corbynistas like Clive Lewis to Blairites like Jonathan Reynolds, support for PR is growing. They’re joined from the flanks, by the Greens and Ukip.
None of this will realistically happen before the next election in 2020. But after that, all bets are off. A Leftleaning political force will compete for the ground vacated by Labour as support for PR feeds off the fertile anti-establishment mood.
For the Tories, this should be a wake-up call to spend the next four years winning over less ideological Labour voters abandoned by Corbyn – particularly among low and middleincome families. It doesn’t mean political cross-dressing for show, pinching a Labour policy here, donning green credentials there. We need an agenda grounded in our core principles of enterprise, freedom and meritocracy, to forge an aspirational alliance of working and middle-class voters. That requires four elements.
The first is under way with Mrs May’s vaulting ambition to make Britain “the great meritocracy of the world”. Perceptions on social fairness are still the Conservatives’ weak flank. We should be the party of people’s hearts, not just their heads, and buttress our record for competent economic management by demonstrating we understand people’s hopes and dreams – from the humblest council estate to the leafiest suburb. Puncturing Corbyn’s egalitarian mirage will have more traction if we offer an alternative meritocratic vision to boost social mobility.
Expanding grammar schools beyond their middle-class preserve to the toughest neighbourhoods will create ladders of opportunity for the brightest kids of modest means. But it’s no silver bullet. We need to put as much emphasis on the vocational route for ambitious but not bookish children, promote non-graduate routes into the professions, and make it easier to start up a business. Likewise, we’ve got to get serious about home-building, to give young buyers a leg up onto the ladder.
That means greater local democracy over planning, easing regulatory barriers to build more homes, and allowing councils to keep far more of the tax revenue from residential development.
The second element is to make sure the economy “works for everyone”, as Mrs May said on the steps of Downing Street. We need to continue the Conservatives’ stellar record of job creation, while letting low- and middle-income working families keep more of what they earn. We should take the poorest out of national insurance, as well as income tax. That doesn’t mean robbing middle-class Peter to pay working-class Paul: a realistic tax plan could take a penny off both the basic and higher rate of income tax each year for five years, culminating in two bands at 15 per cent and 35 per cent.
To pay for this and cut the deficit, we will need to stop ring-fencing departmental budgets or indexing spending to GDP (beyond current manifesto pledges), and move towards means-testing middle-class, including grey, welfare.
Third, Conservatives shouldn’t be afraid to defend capitalism – as the surest way to boost living standards for the poor – nor tackle its abuses. The best way to stop tax avoidance is to simplify the tax code, not give the taxman authoritarian powers, which are more likely to be wielded to bully small businesses and individuals than multinationals. And we shouldn’t flinch from taking on the vested interests in monopolised markets. Retail banking and energy remain ripe for competitive reform to loosen the behemoths’ grip and give consumers the clout to get better deals.
Fourth, the faithful delivery of Brexit will give Conservatives a hearing across the country where we’ve long been silent. Brexit must be delivered in full, while reducing the 48 per cent who counted themselves Remainers on June 23. We can achieve that by seizing the golden opportunities of Brexit for democratic renewal, global free trade and controlled immigration – while mitigating the risks by keeping strong trade with our European friends.
As we rally for Mrs May’s first party conference as Prime Minister, we must reach out to aspirational Britain, not rest on our laurels. Stubborn optimism, not complacency, is the spirit of the age, and the clarion call for a Tory party under new management.