Europe’s Brexit negotiator is a political outsider who ensures he does his homework well
Michel Barnier, the EU’S chief Brexit negotiator, will be perhaps the most important figure on the other side of the table in the two-year talks that will decide the nature of the deal we strike.
David Davis will be meeting with him today to kick off negotiations on Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. So what is he like?
I too have engaged in a two-year bargaining process with him. Between 2010 and 2012, when I was a Treasury minister, he and I negotiated a myriad of directives seeking to regulate banking and insurance in the aftermath of the financial crisis. It was one of the most difficult – and enjoyable – challenges I have ever faced.
Crucial to understanding Barnier is the recognition that he is a political outsider. Many French presidents, prime ministers and ministers emerged from the country’s National School of Administration – Oxbridge on steroids. He did not. To counter this, he needs to prove himself.
Achievements matter to him. I learnt early on he was proud of his success in organising the 1992 Winter Olympics. I found in the run-up to London 2012 that mentioning this got meetings off to a good start.
Establishing a personal relationship was key. As so often in European politics, the personal matters. The fact that Barnier and Davis have worked together in the past will make a big difference. I started from scratch. Our first meetings were slightly strange affairs. Barnier gave the impression that he spoke little or no English. In reality, this was a bit of a protective shield. As he started to trust me there was less reliance on translation between English and French. Indeed, our final meeting was almost entirely in English. It was a signal that trust had been established.
There is a downside to his working knowledge of English. Because of our own laziness we tend not to bother with European media. This does not apply to most European politicians and certainly not to Barnier. I know he will read this profile. When he and I were negotiating, he would mention every criticism of him in British papers. Since clearly I couldn’t change what was written about him, my only respose was to sympathise. Despite his long career in Brussels, Barnier is no technocrat; rather he is a politician to his fingertips. He was first elected to the French parliament in 1978, when he was 27. The politics of an issue matter to him. In the aftermath of the financial crisis, it was convenient for Continental politicians, including Barnier, to blame the crisis on Anglo-saxon capitalism. As well as confirming their prejudices, this argument sought to undermine and marginalise the UK as an authoritative voice in EU discussions on financial regulations.
As we started our programme of radical financial reform and moved further and faster than the EU, I constantly reminded Michel of this to neutralise this criticism and enhance our influence. While we made progress using this approach, it was not enough. As the UK economy was stronger than the eurozone economy, we were quick to point out that some of the proposed financial reforms were hindering recovery. This argument, based on jobs and growth, hit home – Barnier could see that while bashing Britain and bankers had its appeal, promoting jobs and growth for the EU was a better narrative.
Theresa May’s Article 50 letter demonstrated that the Government is as focused on European politics as it is on domestic politics, and this will stand it in good stead with Barnier.
His roots in both national and European politics shape his approach to negotiations. As a commissioner, Barnier knew that nothing could be put on the European statute book without the agreement of both member states and the European parliament, so he invested a lot of time to secure agreement on legislation.
Barnier has spent much of the past few months on the road working to understand the interests of the
‘His roots in both national and European politics shape his approach to negotiations’
member states. This is vital as they will give him his negotiating mandate. He will know just how much room for manoeuvre there is. He prepares well and knows his limits. In the Brexit talks he will know just how far he can go to secure a good outcome for both sides.
There is an irony to Barnier’s role in Brexit. His domestic political career ground to a halt because he failed to deliver a victory in the French referendum on the EU constitution in 2005. Now he has been entrusted with the task of negotiating a deal flowing from another referendum which he wished would have gone the other way.