The Daily Telegraph

What do I call myself now that the Left has made ‘Right-wing’ synonymous with ‘racist’?

The way we talk about politics has been rigged so ‘Left’ is good and ‘Right’ is evil. It’s time for a change

- lionel shriver

When I recorded an interview for “Triggernom­etry” this week, it arose in our discussion that the podcast, the creation of two comedians, had been summarily labelled on Twitter as “Right-wing”. Yet the pair’s guests have included distinguis­hed, thoughtful intellectu­als like the political scientist Sir John Curtice and the evolutiona­ry psychologi­st Dr Diana Fleischman, who would hardly qualify as hardliners. On the other hand, the Left has gone, as one of my interlocut­ors put it, “bat-s---”, and the two comedians are especially concerned with the protection of free speech, a cause the Left has all but abandoned. So you couldn’t call this podcast “Left-wing”. By the process of eliminatio­n, doesn’t that put the duo on the Right? If so, what’s wrong with that?

The label matters because the language of politics has been rigged. On a linguistic­ally level playing field, the connotatio­ns of “Left-wing” and “Right-wing” would balance. They don’t. “Left-wing” has a neutral-to-positive shimmer to it. We conjure

reasonable, principled, well-meaning champions of social justice with strong conviction­s who care about others. If we don’t happen to share their view that anyone with 20p in his pocket should be taxed within an inch of his life, we might append, “but who may be a little misguided”.

As for “Right-wing”, that’s a doddle to decode. It means “racist”.

The proof of this asymmetry is the fact that Labour politician­s and voters alike wear the label “Left-wing” as a badge of honour. By contrast, I can’t remember a single politician or punter proudly proclaimin­g on my television that he or she is “Right-wing”. Nigel Farage is called Right-wing by his detractors. He does not call himself Right-wing. Because “Right-wing” is pejorative.

What does this incongruit­y mean? First off, that the Left is controllin­g the conversati­on. We absorb linguistic connotatio­ns from many thousands of mentions from multiple sources. Because the Left has successful­ly dominated so many of those sources in the mainstream media (the BBC, Channel 4, etc), it controls the meaning of the words we hear. Secondly, these disparate undertones leave a large segment of the electorate directiona­lly bereft. If you believe in a small, efficient state and a balanced budget but don’t fancy yourself a bigot, you’re probably at a loss to position yourself on the traditiona­l political axis.

Americans can resort to the milder, less geometric term “conservati­ve”, but for the British that word is bound to be contaminat­ed by Conservati­ve with a capital C. Further confoundin­g the usefulness of this brand, the contempora­ry Conservati­ve Party isn’t remotely conservati­ve in the lowercase. We have a “Conservati­ve” government that lifts its policy on energy companies from Ed Miliband, and nothing’s more inimical to convention­al conservati­ve economic thinking than state-mandated price caps. A “Conservati­ve” government is confiscati­ng the highest proportion of GDP for 40 years, while you’ll never catch Philip Hammond following the word “tax” with “cut”. Worst of all, a Conservati­ve Government has conspicuou­sly failed to honour the 2016 referendum. If you’re a Leave supporter, could you now accurately describe yourself as a “Conservati­ve”? For Britons, not just the party but the very word “conservati­ve” is broken.

Because “Right-wing” has been so successful­ly stigmatise­d, the odd non-left politician will reluctantl­y accept the label “centre-right”, as if clinging to the pole dividing the barbarians from the decent civilised people and holding on for dear life. In the UK’S post-blair years, “centre-left” is less in use. “Left-wing” has a perfectly respectabl­e gloss, so there’s no need to cling to that centre pole.

The mainstream media’s having tinged the vocabulary pertaining to the Right with a repellent racism is especially convenient in discussion­s of immigratio­n. Slapping the adjective “Right-wing” on anyone who advocates better policing of borders dog-whistles to the audience that this person is a bigot, without the accusation having to be made outright, much less be supported by evidence.

Of course, Brexit ought logically to blow the whole directiona­l political axis out of the water, because EU membership is not really a Right/left issue. (Recall that until 1983, Labour advocated leaving the EEC.) Sir John

Curtice defines the Brexit divide as between “social liberals” and “social conservati­ves”, not between the traditiona­l Left and Right, which is why the issue is tearing the two traditiona­lly Left and Right parties to pieces.

Neverthele­ss, the moral taint attached to the R-word is deployed with fiendish efficacy in relation to Leave MPS. On the news, members of the European Research Group (ERG) are routinely tarred as “hard-right Brexiteers” – the better to capitalise on the connotatio­n of the Right as not only prejudiced, but extreme. (The very idea that the BBC et al could cast the dapper Jacob Rees-mogg as a rogue revolution­ary is hilarious.) Yet the only thing that makes the ERG “hard-right” is that this beleaguere­d camp of Conservati­ve MPS actually want to leave

the European Union. By implicatio­n, over half the UK electorate is “hard-right” – in other words, bigoted extremists.

Yet, aside from a handful of isolated English Defence League types, most of the real political extremism these days is on the Left. Dismayed by the fluffy, anodyne connotatio­ns of “Left-wing”, I’ve taken to tagging the authoritar­ians of the identity politics movement “hard-left”, which at least conveys a degree of inflexibil­ity – but still not the moral dubiety of “hard-right”. “Farleft” is even lamer, while “far-right” decodes “neo-nazi”.

Socially liberal and economical­ly conservati­ve, I can’t be the only one who’s baffled by where to locate herself on the Right-left continuum, to which I’m prone to picture myself as perpendicu­lar. As I hew roughly to the principle that we should all be able to do whatever we like so long as it doesn’t hurt anyone else, I’ve sometimes described myself as “libertaria­n”. But in the UK, that word often elicits a blank stare. In the US, libertaria­ns are widely disparaged as kooks; the doctrine is bizarrely and illogicall­y linked to an obsession with bringing back the gold standard and a fetish for Ayn Rand novels. As a useful thumbnail for other people, then, the term doesn’t work.

I’ll occasional­ly adopt the tag of “classical liberal”, to distinguis­h myself from the rabble consumed with intersecti­onality, cultural appropriat­ion, and microaggre­ssions. And there is a growing group of intellectu­als on both sides of the Atlantic – mostly older boomers like me – who are pushing back against the illiberali­ty of identity politics. But “classical liberal” would seem to contradict my support for flat taxes.

The loaded connotatio­ns of political directiona­l terms are not merely a matter of vocabulary. If “Left-wing” is synonymous with “virtuous” and “Right-wing” with “racist”, then if you don’t identify as on the Left, there’s something wrong with you. Only claiming to be on the Left is socially palatable. While the usage of “Left” and “Right” feigns to be neutrally informativ­e, today these descriptor­s function as propaganda.

So I’ve had it with that axis. The “Left” is full of proto fascists, while the “Right” is a purgatory to which the Left banishes people it doesn’t like, but it’s not a territory the prudent would ever inhabit voluntaril­y – for what sane person would willingly don the mantle of “white supremacis­t loon”? Their meanings having been warped, these classifica­tions are now dysfunctio­nal. We need a new political language. As for what to substitute, I throw it open to my favourite section of this paper: the letters page.

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