The Daily Telegraph

Serbia is threatenin­g third Balkan war, warns Kosovan prime minister

- By Roland Oliphant SENIOR FOREIGN CORRESPOND­ENT in Pristina

Fragile peace risks being shattered as Kurti claims Russia is encouragin­g Belgrade to be aggressive

Serbia’s government is threatenin­g to start a new Balkan war in a bid to extract concession­s from the West, the prime minister of Kosovo has said.

Albin Kurti accused Serbian president Aleksandar Vucic of acting like “Germany between the world wars” and warned recent crises in Kosovo and Bosnia could escalate if Western government­s did not take him seriously.

Serbia deployed troops to the Kosovo border in September and ethnic Serbian protesters clashed with Kosovan police in the north of the country last month. Earlier this week Christian Schmidt, the UN high representa­tive to Bosnia, warned the 1995 Dayton peace accord was close to collapse.

Mr Kurti told The Daily Telegraph: think it definitely is more dangerous than before. They want to behave as if they are Germany between two world wars: ‘If you are not going to please us, we will cause another one.’ Because they have done one round in the Nineties.

“If you check the numbers for military expenditur­e in Serbia, in recent years [they are] skyrocketi­ng. For whom are they buying all this?

“The fact I am saying this very calmly, is because I saw it coming months and years ago. It is a rational analysis – not an emotional one.”

Serbia’s defence spending has almost doubled since 2015 and it is projected to spend some $1.14billion (£840million) in 2021, making it the biggest military spender in the Western Balkans. It has heavily modernised its air force and bought drones, aircraft and air-defence systems from Russia and China.

Mr Vucic has denied preparing for war and has defended his country’s right to buy arms where it likes.

But neighbours say the military build-up is accompanie­d by confrontat­ional policies and bellicose political rhetoric about unifying the “Serbian world” that are worryingly reminiscen­t of the build-up to the wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.

Kosovan officials insist that the policy has produced inter-linked crises across the region that are designed to stoke chaos and force the West to accept increases in Belgrade’s influence and power inside neighbouri­ng former Yugoslav republics. Last week, the

UN high representa­tive to Bosnia warned in a report to the UN that the country Albin Kurti, the prime minister of Kosovo, has accused Serbia of stoking tensions in the Balkans could break up and the 1995 Dayton peace agreement collapse if Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik went ahead with plans to pull out of Bosnia’s military, judicial and tax structures to build his own army.

Mr Dodik, the president of Republika Srpska, the Bosnian Serb entity establishe­d at the end of the 1992-1995 war, said last month that he intended to declare full autonomy from Sarajevo. He insisted that Republika Srpska would remain a part of Bosnia and denied trying to start a war, but has hinted that Russia would provide support if the West tried to intervene militarily.

In September, riots erupted in Montenegro after the Serbian Orthodox Church appointed a new patriarch in the country, a move seen by some as an attempt by Belgrade to reassert control there.

In Kosovo, the most recent round of escalation began in September, when Mr Kurti’s government said it would require drivers from Serbia to use temporary Kosovan number plates when crossing the border, a measure that mirrors long-standing Serbian policy, and sent police to enforce it.

Serbian activists from northern Kosovo responded by blocking roads. Mr Vucic then put Serb forces near the border on high alert, and deployed fighter jets, helicopter­s and troops in armoured fighting vehicles, and warned he would take action if the protesters were attacked. The standoff was finally defused by internatio­nal mediation after two weeks.

On Oct 13, Serbian protesters clashed with Kosovan police raiding a pharmacy in northern Mitrovica, a Serbian enclave, in what authoritie­s say was part of a country-wide anti-smuggling operation. By the end of the morning, 10 police officers and 10 Serb protesters had been wounded, one by a gunshot wound.

Serbia has blamed the tensions on Mr Kurti, accusing him of bringing the region to the “brink of chaos”. Mr Kurti accuses Serbia of organising the “spontaneou­s” protests as an instrument of political pressure.

The war of words continued last week when Mr Vucic accused Mr Kurti of plotting more police action, this time to seize control of a disputed electricit­y substation that lies in a Serbian-controlled area but provides power across the province. Mr Kurti denied any such plans to The Telegraph.

Zahir Tanin, the head of the UN mission to Kosovo, warned that the incidents threatened to “unravel steady but fragile progress made in rebuilding trust among communitie­s”.

Mr Kurti, whose government expelled two Russian diplomats last month, believes Mr Vucic is being encouraged by Vladimir Putin, who he says sees an opportunit­y to challenge the West in the region.

Russia’s ambassador visited Serbian troops near the frontier with Kosovo during the September military build-up. Last month, the two countries’ militaries held joint air defence drills in Serbia.

Not all outsiders are convinced Mr Vucic is on the warpath. Conflict would put paid to Serbia’s ambitions of European Union membership, and could also mean taking on Nato, which has a 3,800-strong peacekeepi­ng force in Kosovo. Belgrade also balances its ties with China and Russia against close co-operation with Europe. Nonetheles­s, foreign officials say the Balkans are indeed emerging as a theatre of great power competitio­n, and that Mr Kurti is not wrong to say tensions are high.

“Yes, it is serious, and yes, we are very worried,” said a Western diplomat based in the Balkans.

Kosovo broke away from Serbia after Nato intervened on the side of ethnic Albanian rebels fighting a war with Belgrade’s security forces in 1999. It spent nine years as an internatio­nal protectora­te before declaring independen­ce in 2008. Serbia and about half of the United Nations members, including Russia and China, still do not recognise Kosovo’s independen­ce. Eu-brokered talks between Belgrade and Pristina that began in 2011 eased tensions but failed to produce an agreement on mutual recognitio­n, a pre-requisite for both countries’ accession to the EU. Kosovo today does not look or feel like a country on the brink of chaos.

The capital Pristina is experienci­ng a building shooting boom that up has across sent the skyscraper­s city, and an educated and upwardly mobile young middle class at times make the place feel more Baltic than Balkan.

The barbed wire and barricades on the bridge over the Ibar river in the northern city of Mitrovica, once the go-to symbol of potent ethnic division, vanished several years ago following an agreement in Brussels.

Pedestrian­s – although not vehicles – move freely between the Serbian and Albanian river banks, the only security presence a handful of bored Italian Carabinier­i perched in a parked 4x4.

The northern side of the river, where the telegraph poles are hung with Serbian flags, street signs are in Cyrillic, and cafes charge in Serbian dinars rather than euros, is visibly poorer. Representa­tives of Srpska List, the Belgrade-backed party that maintains a political monopoly in Kosovo’s Serbian-populated municipali­ties, declined repeated requests for an interview.

Locals who did speak blamed the recent tensions on Mr Kurti, saying he ordered the number plate changes and the raid on the pharmacy to appease hawkish ethnic Albanian voters ahead of municipal elections last month. Mr Kurti denies this. Several people concurred that the number plate protests were tightly controlled by local officials from Srpska List.

But a number also insisted that the violence that erupted outside the pharmacy on the morning of Oct 13 had a different flavour to previous incidents. The rage of the crowd on that day, they suggested, was not just directed at the hated Kosovan police, but as an expression of discontent at the status quo that has left the Serbs of Mitrovica with little job security, with

‘It was more spontaneou­s. I’ve been waiting for that moment to come. And I am sure protests will continue’

bleak a thoroughly stood action,” leader called taking went planning. one-party “Both differentl­y, economic to Serbian of part said benefit Srpska a Because small in afraid. state Alexander the Survival, List from prospects local of not protest. the which and as the opposition people Arsenijevi­c, they who Albin police “But many and were admitted for Kurti ruled things are party the the by first actions spontaneou­s. moment happen time or earlier. to reacted calls. come. I’ve And It not was I been thought now through more waiting I am it would sure political for that such diplomats Kosovan protests dispute officials will continue.” that and account. Western Mr Kurti about claims the protest he has being clear planned intelligen­ce in advance. Telegraph All spoke the witnesses to described who a crowd The gathering and violence beginning almost as soon as police arrived.

But weariness with the current political and economic settlement is widespread – and crosses ethnic lines. Mr Kurti himself came to power in a landslide election victory after promising to tackle the endemic corruption many Kosovans associate with the generation of former Kosovo Liberation Army commanders who dominated the political scene since independen­ce. And the polls, he himself points out, consistent­ly show that Kosovo Albanians’ number one political priority is tackling corruption – not the ongoing confrontat­ion with Serbia.

 ?? ?? A 10-year-old boy is carried across the border from what is now Kosovo to Albania in 1999. The conflict between Yugoslavia, which controlled Kosovo, and the Kosovo Albanian rebels ended that year after Nato interventi­on
A 10-year-old boy is carried across the border from what is now Kosovo to Albania in 1999. The conflict between Yugoslavia, which controlled Kosovo, and the Kosovo Albanian rebels ended that year after Nato interventi­on
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