The Daily Telegraph

Blair trashed the constituti­on. We’re paying the price

Elected politician­s cannot control the borders thanks to the power of the Leftwing legal establishm­ent

- FOLLOW Liz Truss on Twitter @ trussliz READ MORE at telegraph.co.uk/ opinion LIZ TRUSS Liz Truss’s book ‘Ten Years to Save the West: Lessons from the only conservati­ve in the room’ (Biteback Publishing £20) is out now

Ihave become increasing­ly concerned that Britain’s judiciary has become a self-perpetuati­ng oligarchy. Here is a group of similarly-minded people from similar background­s who have a particular worldview and are resolute in protecting their own interests. Then there is the fact that we are saddled with an increasing­ly Left-wing legal establishm­ent that has successful­ly tied British government­s up in knots through judicial reviews, challengin­g policies on welfare and immigratio­n and indeed the entire Brexit process.

Courts and lawyers had been accruing power during the 1980s and 1990s through the judicial review process – and the EU’S promotion of statute law over common law only added to the problem. But it was Tony Blair who made a bad state of affairs a whole lot worse. The policies he pursued as prime minister have made it considerab­ly harder for elected politician­s to get things done and put far more power in the hands of the unelected.

Until 2005, the Lord Chancellor held a special constituti­onal position not only as a Cabinet minister but also as the head of the judiciary and Speaker of the House of Lords. These were historic duties dating back to before Magna Carta.

In other words, he (and until my appointmen­t as Lord Chancellor, it always had been a man) was a very powerful figure, playing a role in the executive, judicial and legislativ­e branches of government. He sat in the Lords and was a practising judge, with many of his responsibi­lities involving the direct administra­tion of the judicial system and the selection of judges. The independen­t judiciary maintained the common law principles of the rule of law. Ultimately, they were subordinat­e to the executive in Parliament.

The Constituti­onal Reform Act 2005 changed this by denuding the Lord Chancellor of much of this power. One of the justificat­ions for this act of constituti­onal vandalism was a desire to fit in with the rights-based philosophy of continenta­l Europe. The UK’S ratifying of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in 1951 ultimately gave rise to individual petitions being accepted in the UK. This created an alternativ­e source of power to the sovereign Parliament. Blair then incorporat­ed the ECHR into British law in 1998 through the Human Rights Act.

In removing the power of the executive to appoint senior judges, the Blair government created a new judicial appointmen­ts quango, and a Supreme Court in place of the Law Lords. The Lord Chancellor would still have to swear an oath to protect the independen­ce of the judiciary, but all the associated powers were handed to the administra­tive bureaucrac­y. The net impact was to make the judiciary more of a self-appointing oligarchy and reduce levels of accountabi­lity.

As we have seen in everything from welfare policy to immigratio­n to legal aid, this has made it harder for government­s to deliver the policies the public had voted for. The legacy legislatio­n from the Blair and Brown administra­tions that we have failed to repeal – including the Human Rights Act and the Equality Act – have tied up the government in yet more red tape and given more powers to the courts and lawyers. All this means a key part of the apparatus of the government has become further removed from any sense of accountabi­lity.

We see the consequenc­es of this most clearly in the case of illegal immigratio­n. Time and time again, attempts to get tough on migration have been thwarted when lawyers have been able to take on immigrants’ cases, paid for through taxpayer-funded legal aid, usually after citing some article or other from the ECHR.

I am all for the UK asserting its sovereignt­y and leaving the convention, but I don’t believe that alone will solve the problem. We will not be able to fully sort out our borders until we have reformed the appointmen­ts and governance process of the judiciary.

It is vital that we restore democratic accountabi­lity to the judicial system in the UK. This means the abolition of the Supreme Court, dismantlin­g the Judicial Appointmen­ts Commission, and restoring the Law Lords. The Lord Chancellor’s full role should be reinstated, including being head of the judiciary in England and Wales.

These constituti­onal arrangemen­ts were tried, tested and successful for centuries. Hopefully, in time, the experience of the past couple of decades, following Blair’s trashing of our precious judicial system, will come to be seen as a temporary aberration.

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