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A very British immigratio­n scandal

A new book lays bare the dubious political motives behind the Conservati­ves’ ‘hostile environmen­t’ policy

- JAMIE MAXWELL

THE WINDRUSH BETRAYAL: EXPOSING THE HOSTILE ENVIRONMEN­T Amelia Gentleman Faber, £18.99

LAST year, reacting to the Trump administra­tion’s practice of putting kids in cages on the US-Mexico border, advocates of immigratio­n reform in the US adopted a new slogan: “The cruelty is the point.”

Those words kept coming back to me as I was reading The Windrush Betrayal: Exposing The Hostile Environmen­t, Amelia Gentleman’s superb first-hand account of the immigratio­n scandal that rocked Britain and shamed Theresa May’s Conservati­ve government. According to Gentleman – a Guardian journalist whose dogged investigat­ive work broke the story in 2017 and 2018 – Windrush “wasn’t a mistake.”

“It was the direct consequenc­e of a harsh set of policies designed to bring down immigratio­n numbers by ejecting people from Britain, and by making life intolerabl­e for anyone without documents,” she writes.

Gentleman’s reporting is exhaustive and the human experience­s she details are harrowing.

In August 2015, Paulette Wilson – who had lived in Britain for more than forty years – received a letter at her flat in Wolverhamp­ton: “You are a person with no leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom,” it read, “therefore you are liable for removal.” In February 2017, Michael Braithwait­e lost his job at a north London school after been abruptly informed by his employers that he was an “illegal immigrant.” In November 2017, Sylvester Marshall checked into the Royal Marsden Hospital in Brompton expecting to start a course of radiothera­py following a cancer diagnosis. Instead, he was told he didn’t qualify for free NHS treatment and asked to pay £54,000.

It goes without saying that Paulette Wilson, Michael Braithwait­e and Sylvester Marshall were all in the UK legally. They arrived in the 1960s and early 1970s as part of a group of immigrants, mostly from the West Indies, who came to Britain after the Second World War on Commonweal­th passports. (The Windrush epithet is a misnomer: it refers to a recommissi­oned troopship – the HMT Empire Windrush – that docked in London from Jamaica in 1948.)

And yet, for Gentleman, the remarkably callous way in which their lives were ruined by the immigratio­n system illustrate­s how dysfunctio­nal Britain’s obsession with border security has become.

To some extent, The Windrush Betrayal is a portrait of those lives, and the struggle the victims faced either to stay in the UK, despite relentless pressure from the Home Office, or to return after they’d been wrongfully deported. But it is also a powerful indictment of successive Tory government­s, whose efforts to slash net migration numbers in response to a rising political challenge from the far-right created the conditions for the Windrush crisis itself.

Theresa May emerges as the chief villain in Gentleman’s narrative. As Home Secretary under David Cameron and then prime minister, May championed the “hostile environmen­t” policy that sought to drive people suspected of being illegal immigrants out of the country. Her approach was simple: “Deport first. Appeal later.”

Indeed, as Gentleman explains, in order to reduce annual net migration from the “hundreds of thousands” to the “tens of thousands”, an oft-repeated Tory pledge, May imposed a series of reforms on the Home Office aimed at creating a “culture of bureaucrat­ic cruelty” for anyone who couldn’t meet the UK’s stringent residency standards.

Between 2010 and 2018 May stripped supposedly undocument­ed migrants of their right to work, to housing, and to public services. She extended the network of border surveillan­ce into hospitals, councils, and letting agencies. She “dispatched vans branded with the words ‘immigratio­n enforcemen­t’ into areas of high migration.” And she limited legal aid for migrants struggling “to almost nothing.”

One of the perverse side effects of May’s crackdown was that it transforme­d ordinary public servants – doctors, nurses, housing officers, and welfare administra­tors – into border guards, charged with rooting out anyone who might be in violation of these new rules. “Private citizens, entirely untrained, found themselves required to conduct immigratio­n controls,” Gentleman writes.

SET against a backdrop of weekly deportatio­n quotas and shrinking department­al budgets, Windrush, with all its acute racial and nationalis­tic undertones, became pretty much inevitable. In Paulette Wilson’s case, she and her UK-born daughter repeatedly told the Home Office it had made an error, that she was legally resident in Britain. But it made no difference.

Because she couldn’t provide every last detail of her arrival here in 1968 – including, notably, the passport she’d travelled on as a child – she became, in effect, a criminal. In late 2017, two years after she’d received that first threatenin­g letter from the government, Wilson was bundled into a van with darkened windows and driven to Yarl’s Wood detention centre, where “her eyes were scanned, her fingerprin­ts taken, and she underwent a full body search.”

Gentleman can’t identify the precise number of individual­s wrongly

May emerges as chief villain. Her approach was simple: deport first, appeal later

imprisoned or “repatriate­d” by the Home Office under May’s watch because, astonishin­gly, the Home Office itself has refused to keep track. “The government made no attempt to establish how many people lost their jobs or homes, or have been denied benefits or access to healthcare,” she writes. “The Home Secretary has written only 18 letters of apology to those believed to have suffered significan­t detriment because they were wrongly detained or deported.”

Gentleman also notes that May herself was not exclusivel­y responsibl­e for the Windrush crisis. The creation of the hostile environmen­t was supervised by supposedly modernisin­g Tories like David Cameron and Jeremy Hunt, as well as Liberal Democrats like Vince Cable, who sat on the Coalition government’s migration working group, set up after the 2010 election to oversee an “all-pervasive new immigratio­n policy.”

But May seemed almost uniquely determined to see the initiative through, and was unapologet­ic even after the controvers­y had been uncovered in 2018. “There seemed very little understand­ing of the scale of the problem or the depth of the pain caused [by] the policies she had designed,” Gentleman writes.

This remained the case through the final months of May’s premiershi­p, during which the UK Government scrabbled to restore official status to Windrush victims. Gentleman concludes by pointing out that, although the “hostile environmen­t” has now been replaced by the less adversaria­l sounding “compliant environmen­t”, many of the most pernicious pieces of immigratio­n legislatio­n implemente­d by May remain in place.

I’d only add that, on the basis of the evidence presented in this excoriatin­g book, it seems doubtful that the Home Office is making “errors” at all. The Conservati­ves have consciousl­y blurred the lines between legal and illegal immigratio­n for morally dubious political and ideologica­l reasons. They’ve built an immigratio­n system that is punitive and racially discrimina­tory, that counts people unjustly expelled from the country as legitimate collateral damage.

Members of the Windrush generation weren’t the first victims of that system and they won’t be the last. The cruelty, after all, is the point.

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 ??  ?? Citizens of the West Indies were invited to come to the UK during the post-war period
Citizens of the West Indies were invited to come to the UK during the post-war period

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