The Herald on Sunday

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW

When the Sunday Herald published the identity of ‘Stakeknife’ it rocked the IRA to its foundation­s ... and now, 21 years on, ex- Police Scotland chief Sir Iain Livingston­e has abandoned his retirement plans to lead Operation Kenova – which aims to give vi

- NEIL MACKAY IS ON HOLIDAY

WERE it not for the sudden resignatio­n of Simon Byrne, the former chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, Sir Iain Livingston­e would probably be enjoying a relaxing retirement just now.

But crises around Mr Byrne’s leadership of his force last summer, including a data breach which saw the names of thousands of officers and support staff put into the public domain, forced his exit, led to the appointmen­t of a successor, and to the former chief constable of Police Scotland unexpected­ly taking on a new role.

Jon Boutcher became the new chief constable of PSNI, moving from Operation Kenova, a long-running investigat­ion into “Stakeknife”, a very senior figure in the IRA’s internal security unit who was recruited as an agent for the British Army’s shadowy Force Research Unit in the late 1970s.

Kenova had been set up in 2015 to get answers for the families of Stakeknife’s victims, many of whom were abducted, stripped naked, tortured, and forced to confess to being an informer for the army, police or MI5 before being shot in the head, their bodies discarded on roadsides and street corners.

Some of the men and women were informants, others were not.

When the dramatic circumstan­ces surroundin­g Mr Byrne led to Mr Boutcher, a retired chief constable of Bedfordshi­re Police and counterter­rorism expert, becoming chief constable of the PSNI, Sir Iain abandoned his retirement plans to lead Operation Kenova.

The former Police Scotland chief had worked closely with Mr Boutcher since 2015 as a member of Kenova’s reference group of internatio­nal criminal justice experts, who supported the politicall­y sensitive inquiry. On holiday with his wife in Italy in early October last year, just weeks after stepping down from Police Scotland after six years in the top job and 31 years as a police officer, Sir Iain took a call from Mr Boutcher.

“Jon Boutcher was being strongly encouraged, and rightly, by the policing board, by the Northern Ireland Office, by a lot of community and victims groups and politician­s in Northern

Ireland, to apply for the chief constable’s position,” said Sir Iain in his first major newspaper interview since taking up the Kenova role.

“Jon was so committed to Kenova, to getting the truth for victims and their families, that he wouldn’t leave Kenova to go to the chief’s position unless he felt that someone was going to come in, that [the operation] would maintain its independen­ce, and that someone would come in who had the knowledge and experience, and a similar background to himself.

“So he phoned me. Bluntly, it was not part of my original retirement plan, but I did feel it was the right thing to do.”

Sir Iain’s period as chief constable of Police Scotland had put him in charge of some of the UK’s most critical police investigat­ions.

In addition to taking over the job at a time of upheaval for the new Scotlandwi­de force following the relatively short tenures of Stephen House and Phil Gormley, his period at the helm saw him in charge of the policing response to Covid, and the policing operations around COP26 and the death of Queen Elizabeth.

Most notable, perhaps, were the politicall­y sensitive operations. He oversaw inquiries into sexual assault complaints against former first minister Alex Salmond. Mr Salmond was cleared of all charges after a trial at the High Court in Edinburgh in 2020.

A year later, in July 2021, Police Scotland launched Operation Branchform, the inquiry into SNP finances while Mr Salmond’s successor Nicola Sturgeon was party leader. Branchform is still ongoing under Sir Iain’s successor, Chief Constable Jo Farrell.

Long-held secrets

KENOVA has unearthed crimes and secrets many didn’t want to come out. It has required Sir Iain to have enhanced security arrangemen­ts every time he sets foot in Northern Ireland.

Earlier this month, the inquiry published its interim report on Stakeknife – first named by writer Neil Mackay in this newspaper back in 2003 as Freddie Scappaticc­i – and the failures of the intelligen­ce and security services in their handling of him.

The Kenova report – which did not identify Stakeknife, who died last year aged 77 – found that it was probable his actions had resulted in more lives being lost than saved, with the number saved “in the high single figures or low double figures”.

It also found that the security forces repeatedly withheld and did not action informatio­n about threats to life, abductions and murders in order to protect agents from compromise.

Shockingly it revealed there were several cases of murder where the security forces had advance intelligen­ce but did not intervene in order to protect sources.

The original Kenova remit to focus on Stakeknife was later expanded to take on three other inquiries.

The three further inquiries are the death of Jean Smyth Campbell, a 24-yearold mother, who was shot dead while sitting in a car in west Belfast in 1972; the murder of three RUC officers – Sergeant Sean Quinn and Constables Allan McCloy and Paul Hamilton – in County Armagh in October 1982; and the activities of a loyalist terror group known as the Glenanne Gang which operated in south Armagh and who were responsibl­e for some 127 murders during the 1970s.

Miami massacre

WORK on the Glenanne gang may take in the infamous Miami Showband massacre in July 1975. Five people were killed, including three members of the popular cabaret band.

Two Ulster Defence Regiment soldiers were convicted for their roles in the attack and it has long been suspected that loyalist paramilita­ries involved in the killings were being helped by army intelligen­ce and the RUC.

“There is no doubt that some of these horrendous sectarian murders carried out by loyalist paramilita­ries did involve the active participat­ion of members of the security forces,” said Sir Iain.

“But what the Glenanne series is looking at is how co-ordinated this was, if at all. Was this directed from Whitehall or from London, as that’s the hypothesis that had been presented by people who believe that in all good faith.

“And we’ve been asked to consider it to see what associatio­ns are there, to see where the connection­s exist, and to report where the connection­s do exist [or to report if we do not see any connection­s].”

Sir Iain is hoping the final report on Stakeknife, as well as 26 standalone reports for individual families affected by his actions, will be published by the end of December this year.

In the course of its inquiry Kenova submitted 36 files to the prosecutin­g service in Northern Ireland on the Stakeknife investigat­ion – some about the actions of Stakeknife himself, some

There is no doubt that some sectarian murders carried out by loyalist paramilita­ries involved active participat­ion of the security forces

of the people associated with him, and some relating to members of the security services. The cases related to murders, abductions and other crimes of violence yet the Director of Public Prosecutio­ns decided not to charge anyone.

Asked if there was disappoint­ment in the inquiry team, Sir Iain said: “I think it is fair to say there is frustratio­n within the Kenova team, a frustratio­n I felt coming in to lead in the last year, but also having been involved over the piece.

“But our undertakin­g is still to try to give as much informatio­n to the families as we can because many of the victims and families have had very little feedback from agencies of the state.”

While some families do not want their cases to go through the courts, there are still many who do.

A controvers­ial piece of legislatio­n brought in by the UK Government has added to a sense of a lack of justice for some families.

The Northern Ireland Legacy Act was envisaged as a way to allow Northern Ireland “to move on” from the Troubles era by establishi­ng an Independen­t Commission for Reconcilia­tion and Informatio­n Recovery, a new body to find answers in cases during the conflict.

But its provision to offer perpetrato­rs a conditiona­l amnesty has led to concerns it has been designed to shield security forces members from prosecutio­n.

It has been condemned by victims’ groups, all political parties in Northern Ireland, the UN and the Council of Europe in addition to the Irish government which is currently taking action against the UK Government over the legislatio­n.

Repeal legislatio­n?

SIR Iain declined to give his opinion on the legislatio­n or say if he thought it should be repealed.

“I don’t think that is a matter for me to have a view on,” he said.

“I was very conscious, as we all were in Kenova, about the controvers­y surroundin­g the Bill as it was.

“But parliament has now legislated for that. They have appointed Sir Declan Morgan [a senior judge] as the commission­er. I think that is an excellent appointmen­t, and they are now beginning to fill some of the posts within that.

“I am also aware the Irish government have taken a state action against the UK Government in Strasbourg. There is an ongoing challenge through the High Court in Belfast.”

The Commission is the body that would be expected to take on the work of Kenova once it is wound up but with legal battles ongoing, there is substantia­l uncertaint­y about what is going to happen.

“The controvers­y is still high,” he said. “If the act is not repealed there is potential for it to be amended in some ways. So there is unfortunat­ely that uncertaint­y at the moment.”

One of the recommenda­tions that the interim Kenova report made was that both the UK Government and the republican leadership should apologise.

“It is not a condemnati­on of numerous people who acted with bravery and courage, who lost their lives and gave commitment, either in the security services or even to act legitimate­ly as agents to support the security services, it was an enormously challengin­g time,” Sir Iain said.

“But where there have been mistakes made, where there was clear complicity from state agencies and clear understand­ing that people in senior positions could have and should have done more to prevent people dying, people being murdered.

“I think a recognitio­n of that and an apology for that is a reasonable ask.

“And, actually, I think it would be an opportunit­y to move forward, almost a precursor, to go forward is that level of acknowledg­ement.

“And in the report we also ask the republican leadership to do similar.”

Sir Iain said who in the UK Government and the republican leadership should deliver the apologies was a matter for the two to decide when asked whether it should be Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and the new

Northern Ireland First Minister Michelle O’Neill.

The report starkly highlighte­d the scale of violence that took place in the Troubles over the 32 years from 1966 to 1998, the ongoing effects of it on many of Northern Ireland’s 1.9 million citizens, and the huge pressure RUC officers were under.

“The conflict continues to have a profound impact on families and society in Northern Ireland,” it said.

“Between 1966 and 2006, there were 3,720 conflict-related deaths and 40,000 people were injured – 213,000 people are today experienci­ng significan­t mental health problems as a result of the conflict.”

It added: “The Royal Ulster Constabula­ry (RUC) went from policing a society where serious and violent crime was relatively rare to becoming the most dangerous police force in the world in which to serve. During the course of the conflict, 302 RUC officers were killed and over 10,000 injured, with 300 left severely disabled.”

1,441 dead

BETWEEN August 1969 and July 2007, 1,441 armed forces personal died prematurel­y – 722 killed in terror attacks and 719 as a result of other causes.

Sir Iain said that in working on Operation Kenova, it was the “brutality” and mundane nature of the violence that he found shocking, the sense that it was an everyday occurrence, where people in one street went about normal business going to work, school, university, enjoying trips to the theatre while horrors were being committed in another street close by.

It is important to remember just the brutality and how so many families were ripped apart – everybody including people in Scotland and the UK should ensure that everything we do supports the peace process

“The brutality of the violence was almost built into daily life,” he said noting the scale of the challenge the-then RUC had to contend with.”

Sir Iain added: “It must have been so massively difficult.

“These brutal attacks and murders and shootings were happening so regularly that in order to respond to them in a way that we would wish, I don’t think it was possible.

“I think the report recognises that. It was just such a devastatin­g time.”

He found the intergener­ational trauma experience­d by Stakeknife’s victims especially disturbing.

“In the Stakeknife work, because we were looking at the role of informants and alleged informants, there was almost the additional trauma that someone could be identified as an informer by the IRA internal security unit.

“They would be taken away, tortured, and sometimes give a tape that would be sent back to their families.

“Some of those individual­s were acting for the British state for legitimate reasons, for their own reasons, but some of them weren’t.”

Sir Iain continued: “And whatever happened, not only would that family lose that individual because they were executed brutally and their body was left on the side of a road.

“In many instances that family was then shunned, ostracised by their own community, and that was intergener­ational.

“And I think that sense of intergener­ational trauma and harm is something that really hits you when you meet families.

“There are children, grandchild­ren who talk as if it is very, very fresh because to them it is.”

Bereaved families

MR Boutcher, in the interim report, described the hope that Operation Kenova would be trusted by victims and bereaved families and it would establish the truth.

He wrote: “I set the vision as: “To be trusted by victims and their families. To establish the truth of what happened. To gainthe confidence of the communitie­s and stakeholde­rs.

“To be unwavering in the search for truth with each agency, department, political party, other organisati­on or individual that/who might seek to prevent the truth from being establishe­d.”

For Sir Iain, Operation Kenova has shone a spotlight on many aspects of Northern Ireland’s Troubles that many would certainly have preferred to kept hidden.

And as he concluded this interview, he underlined that what happened during the conflict just across the water should always be remembered.

“What happened in the communitie­s in Northern Ireland is not something we should never forget,” he said.

“I think it is important to remember just the brutality and how so many families were ripped apart.

“Everybody, including people in Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom, should ensure that everything we do supports the peace process.”

 ?? Picture: Gordon Terris ?? Above, Iain Livingston­e, the former chief constable of Police Scotland now leading Operation Kenova
Picture: Gordon Terris Above, Iain Livingston­e, the former chief constable of Police Scotland now leading Operation Kenova
 ?? ?? From left, Sir Iain Livingston­e who is heading up Operation Kenova, Chief Constable Jon Boutcher, temporary Deputy Chief Constable Chris Todd, and former victims head Judith Thompson
Picture: Liam McBurney/PA Wire
From left, Sir Iain Livingston­e who is heading up Operation Kenova, Chief Constable Jon Boutcher, temporary Deputy Chief Constable Chris Todd, and former victims head Judith Thompson Picture: Liam McBurney/PA Wire
 ?? ??
 ?? ?? Our Writer At Large Neil Mackay, 21 years ago, unmasked the highest-placed spy for British military intelligen­ce inside the IRA. It took him years of investigat­ive work to finally gather enough evidence to name Freddie Scappaticc­i as Agent Stakeknife
Our Writer At Large Neil Mackay, 21 years ago, unmasked the highest-placed spy for British military intelligen­ce inside the IRA. It took him years of investigat­ive work to finally gather enough evidence to name Freddie Scappaticc­i as Agent Stakeknife

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