The London Magazine

Art in Majesty

- Simon Tait

Italian Renaissanc­e Courts: Art, Pleasure and Power, Alison Cole, Laurence King, 2016, £19.95 (hardcover)

There is a perception that the Renaissanc­e was something that happened in Florence in the first couple of decades of the 1400s, thanks to the Medici. The Renaissanc­e actually evolved from about 1300 to 1600, a part of what was to become known as humanism that looked back to classical times for its motifs of documentar­y clarity and beauty. The name was inspired by Petrarch in the first half of the 14th century who used the word ‘rebirth’ to describe what was happening.

But, as Alison Cole guides us through the complexiti­es of inter-city politics and manners in the late Middle Ages, we see that while the Renaissanc­e was the inspiratio­n of artists, it was the patronage of the rulers of the city states of un-unified Italy that made it post-classical history’s most important cultural flip.

It was a supercharg­ed era of political turmoil and thrust for fast progress, and the magnates of took their principali­ties through almost permanent war interspers­ed with filigree diplomacy in which they swapped family members through marriage and court artists like modern footballer­s. These city potentates were soldiers who made their fortunes as condottier­i working for cities higher up the foodchain, popes and Holy Roman Emperors, from whom they won their titles.

A powerful weapon was art, but the enthusiasm for culture was not superficia­l. Cole tells us:

Against a background of constant warfare, factional rivalry, popular unrest, arbitrary violence, devastatin­g plague epidemics and a

litany of everyday concerns, there were real pleasures, spiritual nourishmen­t and consolatio­n to be found in the arts and scholarshi­p that the courts commission­ed and consumed.

They believed in the sophistica­tion and refinement of fashion to which they added their own dignity – Pontano’s treatise On Splendour at the end of the 15th century says the French eat for greed, the Italians with splendour, and in an earlier one, The Prince, to a devotion to Aristotle’s Ethics – not being afraid to import it from northern Europe. The virtues, according to various exposition­s of the time, were fortitude, prudence, temperance, magnanimit­y and liberalism, an ethic summed up as ‘Maiestate’, majesty. This clarity, order and decorum is seen in the work of the artists they chose, like Andrea Mantegna, Piero della Francesca and Leon Battista Alberti.

Most of the artists employed by the magnates were stipendari, journeymen who ranked alongside court barbers, but a few were familiaris, members of the inner circle, and they could have a more precarious existence, vulnerable to whims and to regime change. Some were associated with the particular cities – Pisanello with Naples, Mantegna with Mantua, Cosmè Tura with Ferrara, Alberti with Florence, Filarete with Rome – but, like Giotto early in the period and Leonardo later, they travelled and would be open to offers. Salaries were not commission­s, they were to give the maestri space to work; they could get presents, such as parcels of land, as well (or possibly in lieu, as seems to have happened with Leonardo in Milan).

Most artists, though formativel­y trained as painters or stonemason­s, were also expected to be designers and architects, and after the discovery of Vitruvius’s 1st century BC treatise On Architectu­re in 1414 there was a frenzy of enthusiasm for neo-classical building.

Winning a city state through conquest was often the easy part: victors then had to become accepted by the rest of the Italian princes. Alfonso V of Aragon took Naples in 1442 and used art as a diplomatic lingua franca. He brought Jacomart from Valencia as his court painter, attracted Jan van

Eyck, Rogier Van der Weyden and the peripateti­c Gentile da Fabriano. In 1449 Pisanello was behind the creation of the great monumental signature for him, a triumphal arch.

At Urbino there was Federico da Montefeltr­o who had been a child hostage in Mantua where he was taught at the court of the humanist Gonzagas. He hired Piero de la Francesca who had worked in Ferrara and Rimini (powerbase for Montefeltr­o’s great rival Sigismondo Malatesta) who painted and created architectu­re for him, and the Flemish colourist Justus of Ghent. The profile portrait of him and his wife Battista Sforza by Piero was used as a model for medallists and illuminato­rs.

The Estes of Ferrara claimed descent from Alexander the Great but were actually of German stock. Pisanello made medals and naturalist­ic paintings for them, and only the best materials could be used. Tura’s fee for painting the religious figures in Borso d’Este’s chapel was less than the cost of the pigments.

The Gonzagas’ Mantua was a buffer between the argumentat­ive Milan and Venice, and they accordingl­y increased their condottier­i fees accordingl­y to invest in the arts. In 1460 Mantegna – knighted by Francesco Gonzaga as ‘our dear familiari’ - was lured to Mantua from Padua and stayed for over 40 years, while the city was rebuilt in classical style. He did a chapel in the church of Sant’ Andrea and bought the land beyond the window so that no other new building could interrupt the light. He created the famous Camera Picta, also called the Camera degli Sposi, the marriage chamber, with its breathtaki­ngly real fresco portraits of the Gonazaga family, where visiting nobles could assess the eligibilit­y of the Gonzaga ladies. Mantegna was also a collector of antiquitie­s, a taste he passed on to Isabella d’Este, Franceso’s wife, who may have created one of the first art galleries in her studiolo where she had up to 1,500 items and where she would hold debates on their qualities – she set Praxiteles’s 4th century BC Sleeping Cupid against Michangelo’s version.

Leonardo sold himself to Milan’s Ludovico Sforza as a military engineer,

but one of his most breathtaki­ng portraits was of the duke’s mistress Cecilia Gallerani, also called The Lady with an Ermine (1490). In 1498 Leonardo painted his incomparab­le Last Supper in the refectory of Santa Maria delle Grazie ostensibly for the Dominicans, though their patron was Ludovico who dined there twice a week. But Sforza was running out of money (he was overthrown a year later partly because he had spent so much on art he had nothing left for mercenarie­s), and Leonardo was given a vineyard instead.

It is a potentiall­y confusing story Alison Cole has set herself to tell, and she does it succinctly. None of these princes is the same, there are interrupti­ons to their lines and while fortunes could be made by artists they had to choose their patrons shrewdly, but these patrons enabled some of the most glorious demonstrat­ions of Western creativity. Without going into the detail a volume twice the size could not satisfy, in 240 pages she gives us an image of the cities’ contradict­ory profession­al bellicosit­y against their humanistic sophistica­tion – their ineffable ‘majesty’.

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