The National (Scotland)

Moral panic-level madness I thought I’d left in France has come to Scotland

Reaction to anti-hate law shows nowhere is immune

- Assa Samaké-Roman

DO you want to read a funny story? It is about me, who came here thinking: “Ah, finally, I’m in Scotland. What a rational, sensible country, surely immune to all that hate-filled nonsense. “I mean, they voted against Brexit! Let me see what that civic nationalis­m of theirs is all about; clearly, they’ve cracked the code to living together as a country.”

I often catch myself yearning to meet the version of me who was eagerly preparing to relocate to Scotland after the Brexit vote – my last chance to make the move before the end of freedom of movement. I wish I could tell her: “Girl, I’m from the future, and let me tell you, even seemingly open-minded, inclusive societies are not immune to the crazy, hate-filled polarisati­on.” In that regard, 2024 Scotland ain’t a pretty sight.

It’s amusing, really, that one of the myriad reasons that drew me to Scotland was the suffocatin­g atmosphere in France following the 2015 Paris attacks.

The nation was thrust into a state of shock and mourning as multiple deadly terrorist attacks unfolded, inevitably instilling fear and anxiety among the population – precisely the intended outcome. In the aftermath of such tragedies, the political climate became increasing­ly charged, emotions ran high, and tensions escalated.

The political discourse in France was gradually becoming toxic, marked by a troubling rise in Islamophob­ia, xenophobia, and racism. These ugly manifestat­ions were fuelled by a potent mix of fear, misinforma­tion, and political opportunis­m. Immigrants and Muslims became convenient scapegoats, unfairly targeted and blamed for the attacks, with certain segments of society advocating for harsher measures against them.

Coincident­ally, it was during this tumultuous period that I found myself considerin­g a move to Scotland. In the wake of the independen­ce referendum and the Brexit vote, my interest in Scotland intensifie­d, and I must confess, I had somewhat romanticis­ed the idea of Scotland as a haven untouched by such chaos.

For many progressiv­es, Scotland was revered as a beacon of hope and a model society to aspire to. From a distance, it appeared to be a place of reasonable people, where inclusivit­y and open-mindedness flourished, and where toxic rhetoric was kept in check.

In those moments, I thought: “Yes, let’s leave France behind; I could certainly do without the madness. Scotland is serene. Scotland is rational. Scotland refuses to entertain such nonsense.”

However, I must now humbly acknowledg­e my mistake. That was silly of me. It turns out that Scotland is susceptibl­e to the same bouts of moral panic-level madness that afflict France.

I had assumed that Scotland’s brand of civic nationalis­m, which is very similar to the French version, which is that belonging to the nation is not determined by one’s ethnicity, ancestry, or cultural background, but rather by shared values, citizenshi­p, and participat­ion in the political community, would serve as a bulwark against such turmoil.

I looked at Scotland and saw a model of openness and fraternity, thinking to myself: “We could learn from them, emulate their spirit.”

Yet the past few months have shown otherwise. Scotland and France, we’re grappling with similar issues, albeit in different contexts. We’re essentiall­y wrestling with the same fundamenta­l question: Where do we draw the line between free speech and hate speech?

However, while France’s focus centres more on religion and the concept of secularism (laïcité), Scotland’s tensions are primarily around gender.

Despite these difference­s, both societies show similarly terrible responses. We seem to have forgotten the essence of living together, le vivre-ensemble. The intense and contentiou­s debates surroundin­g laïcité in France offer a clear illustrati­on of this phenomenon, particular­ly concerning politician­s and public personalit­ies who veil their hostility toward Muslims and individual­s perceived to be Muslim, especially those of North African descent, under the guise of laïcité.

WHAT we often fail to recognise is that these individual­s are not genuinely advocating for peaceful coexistenc­e; instead, they are fostering an environmen­t conducive to the proliferat­ion of resentment and hatred, which, in the end, fan the flames of societal divisions.

Laïcité, as a concept, is intended to establish a neutral and inclusive public space where individual­s of all religious background­s, as well as those with no religious affiliatio­n, can peacefully coexist and participat­e equally in society.

Its aim is to prevent any single religion from wielding undue influence in the public sphere and to safeguard the rights and freedoms of all citizens, irrespecti­ve of their beliefs. What laïcité is not about is

providing a useful tool to target one specific community.

So if the focus of our debate is “how far can we go to wind up the Muslims, leaving them feeling sidelined and unapprecia­ted”, then I’ll say I’m not very interested in this debate, actually.

The real issue lies in their warped interpreta­tion of laïcité, which seems to revolve solely around being hostile towards Muslims while technicall­y staying within legal bounds.

In my book, that completely misses the mark of what secularism is all about and chips away at its core values, including le vivre-ensemble – the idea of diverse people living together in mutual respect and harmony.

This brings me back to the present situation in Scotland, particular­ly with the sour tone that has enveloped expression­s of opinions, especially in light of the Hate Crime and Public Order Act and the Gender Recognitio­n Reform Bill.

The crux of the debate seems to revolve around questions like: “Can I still misgender people? Can I call a trans woman a man?”

It’s as if our main concern is finding ways to legally make life as unpleasant as possible for those with whom we disagree over their identity. Doesn’t that sound absurd?

I’ve never really understood the allure of provocatio­n for likes, especially when it comes from influentia­l figures. I mean, sure, it’s technicall­y legal, but come on, is that really the gold standard of democratic participat­ion in a respectful, mature society?

It’s as if we’ve completely lost sight of the basics – let’s at least try to be decent with each other.

Instead, it feels like our main concern as a society is figuring out just how close we can get to the edge of free speech without tumbling into hate speech territory.

If this is the best we have, well, this is disappoint­ing. That is a far cry from this idealised view that I had of Scotland.

But maybe I am the one to blame for my own naivety: the poison of division and hatred is a very efficient one indeed, and if we let it spread, it will.

We all, especially those of us who hold a platform, need to have a long hard look in the mirror and think about how we have allowed this kind of behaviour, which only aims at pitting people against each other, to become so normalised.

 ?? ?? Protesters demonstrat­e outside Holyrood
Protesters demonstrat­e outside Holyrood
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 ?? ?? against the Hate Crime and Public Order Act after it came into effect in Scotland on Monday
against the Hate Crime and Public Order Act after it came into effect in Scotland on Monday

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