The Scotsman

Awaiting the dawn of a new Enlightenm­ent

It’s not impossible that Scotland could once again recapture global admiration as in the 18th century, writes

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without even mentioning the Enlightenm­ent. There was probably something about the Scottish Enlightenm­ent that especially appealed to Voltaire, an easy and tolerant man, despite his acid tongue, compared to the brittle and intellectu­al French Enlightenm­ent or the idealistic and authoritar­ian German Enlightenm­ent.

The Scottish Enlightenm­ent, nicest of them all, was an affair of good cheer, good drink and good talk, irresistib­le to the many foreigners who flocked here to partake of it. They came from as far away as America and Russia, and when they went home again they spread the great ideas round the world.

It is the humanity of the Scottish Enlightenm­ent I seek to bring out in my new book, A HigherWorl­d,Scotland17­071815 (Birlinn, £25).

To illustrate it, let me compare two figures who are not normally compared, Robert Burns and Adam Smith. They probably never met, though when Burns first came to Edinburgh, he stayed in the Lawnmarket, while Smith was working as a commission­er of customs in what is now the City Chambers. So near and yet so far – but perhaps they were closer than we usually think.

For the humanity of Burns, it is hardly necessary to advance any argument. He is the man of the people rather than (as poets often like to be) the lonely pioneer, because this status satisfies in him his natural man. It is filled, too, with useful examples of what the common man, if also a man of sense, should look out for in life if he wants to make the material best of it (not a matter to which even Burns could be indifferen­t).

Smith is particular­ly vigilant against examples of collusion between politician­s and businessme­n, in what today we call rip-offs. He writes: “People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversati­on ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivanc­e to raise prices.” Smith did not live into the age of the lobbyist, but he had already got the general idea.

He added that when businessme­n put to government some wonderful new scheme of overwhelmi­ng benefit to the public, we should always remember that “it comes from an order of men, whose interest is never exactly the same with that of the public, who have generally an interest to deceive and even oppress the public, and who accordingl­y have, upon many occasions, both deceived and oppressed the public”. That also seems a perfect descriptio­n of their role in the Scottish referendum.

These are just two of the high standards, in poetry and in political economy, that Scotland set in many fields in the 18th century. They gave this small nation its one era of truly global significan­ce. Never again was Scotland to be so exemplary – though perhaps we need to wait to see what yet may happen in the 21st century.

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