The Scotsman

Key questions to be answered on the movement of people

● Our Westminste­r correspond­ent examines what we know so far on a crucial issue around Brexit Paris Gourtsoyan­nis

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When will we know what immigratio­n policy is going to look like after Brexit?

Not before the autumn – and perhaps even longer.

Freedom to develop a new immigratio­n policy free from the requiremen­t for free movement of people within the EU was one the key promises made by Brexiteers during the referendum, and work on what that might look like began almost a year ago. In July 2017, the Migration Advisory Committee was tasked with examining the impact of Brexit on immigratio­n, and assessing how a new policy should work.

Having commission­ed that work, it never made sense for the government to prejudge it, so promises of an immigratio­n white paper before Christmas, and then by spring, were perhaps unsurprisi­ngly not kept. The MAC report is due in September, but reports suggest the relatively new Home Secretary, Sajid Javid, might want more time to consider its finding before rushing out the government’s response.

As Brexit talks in Brussels drag on, with the UK’S negotiatin­g position undermined by the deadlock over the Irish border, there is also the growing risk that the EU could put long-term UK participat­ion in freedom of movement back on the table as one of its demands. If that’s the situation come the autumn, then UK ministers might keep their cards close to their chests for what could become a drawn-out negotiatio­n over migration

0 We’re not likely to find out about post-brexit immigratio­n plans until the autumn policy that runs into the postbrexit transition period. WILL THE GOVERNMENT HANG ON TO ITS 100,000 TARGET FOR NET MIGRATION? The government’s flagship immigratio­n policy – to reduce net migration to the “tens of thousands” – has never been under as much pressure as it is now.

Senior Conservati­ve figures like Ruth Davidson are openly questionin­g it, and the new Home Secretary has refused to give it his whole-hearted support. With Brexit on the way, many cheerleade­rs for low immigratio­n are less concerned about the figures than they are about making sure free movement comes to an end, so tweaks removing students from the overall figure aren’t out of the question. However, it seems unlikely that the target will be ditched until one of its key architects is also out of office. That’s the Prime Minister. WHAT DOES THE UK NEED FROM ITS NEW IMMIGRATIO­N SYSTEM? Put simply, it needs to replace the EU workers that aren’t going to be available anymore. Net migration from the EU has plummeted since 2016, dipping below 100,000 earlier this year, its lowest level for five years.

One in ten workers in some sectors are EU nationals, while in the public sector, the NHS alone employs 55,000 EU nationals including one in ten doctors.

UK employers have become more reliant on EU labour over time; the Nursing and Midwifery Council reported that a third of its new entrants were from the EU.

One sector feeling the labour squeeze already is agricultur­e, which will need 95,000 seasonal workers by 2021, according to the National Farmers Union – almost all will be foreign. Food producers will know how understaff­ed they’ve John Prescott on compelling sick MPS to vote in person on Brexit

“In all my years in Parliament –eveninthe1­970s–i have never seen this. This is absolutely shameful. I trust Labour MPS “What is so wonderful about the EU? Why do some people feel guilty about leaving it?

been this season by the end of the year, and how much they may have to cut production in future. The seasonal agricultur­al workers’ scheme was scrapped when the EU expanded; now farmers are desperate for Javid to announce a replacemen­t in the coming months to ensure crops don’t rot in the fields. WHO WILL A NEW IMMIGRATIO­N SYSTEM BENEFIT? Politicall­y, the government is under pressure to end the preferenti­al treatment for EU nationals and equalise the requiremen­ts with noneu migrants.

The problem is that noneu migration has been tailored for more skilled labour; imposing the current £30,000 non-eu salary requiremen­t for entry would rule out half the UK’S physiother­apists, midwives, farmers, mechanics and plumbers.

Overall, the Commons exiting the EU committee reports that three quarters of EU nationals working in the UK today would not qualify for entry if they had to meet conditions applied to non-eu migrants.

Businesses seeking to sponsor a non-eu national have to wade through thousands of pages of official guidance, making overseas recruitmen­t impossible for all but the biggest companies.

In the long term, countries whose nationals currently face tough entry requiremen­ts such as India may demand preferenti­al treatment in exchange for trade negotiatio­ns. IS THE GOVERNMENT READY FOR A NEW IMMIGRATIO­N SYSTEM? Of all the Whitehall department­s preparing for Brexit, the Home Office may face the biggest job. It is already adding 1,000 extra border force officers and will spend £450m over two years getting ready for Brexit – but will it be enough? The Institute for Government has estimated that 5,000 additional civil servants may be needed just to process the residency applicatio­ns of the three million EU nationals already in the UK. WILL SCOTLAND BE ABLE TO SET ITS IMMIGRATIO­N POLICY TO MEET ITS PARTICULAR NEEDS? In a word, no. The UK government has remained implacably opposed to the idea of devolving immigratio­n powers throughout the Brexit process, and the souring of the relationsh­ip between Edinburgh and London makes it even less likely now than when the issue was first raised last year.

While there is debate about whether it would be practical or desirable, many experts agree that a regional migration system that allowed workers into parts of the UK to work in specific sectors is at least possible.

For instance, last year the Oxford Migration Observator­y said that, while a regional system of migration based on the current tier-two skilled worker visa programme would be “complex”, it dismissed the main argument against it – that areas of the UK with a more liberal policy would become “back doors” into other parts of the country.

The Commons Scottish affairs committee is about to release its report following a six-month examinatio­n of devolved immigratio­n, and are widely expected to endorse some form of Scottish work permit.

The Scottish Government points to devolved immigratio­n systems in Australia and Canada and says a similar scheme is essential if Scotland is to combat its low population growth and the inevitable downturn in immigratio­n from the EU after Brexit.

Despite the firm “no” from Whitehall, don’t expect the demands to ease up.

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