The Scotsman

Not enough fish in the sea for Brexit

- Inside today – HERITAGE Page 28 – CATHERINE STIHLER P age29– AIDAN SMITH Page 30 – JONNY HUGHES Page 31 – FRIENDS OF THE SCOTSMAN Pages 32-33 – LETTERS Pages 34-35

Until now, it’s been easy to dismiss the debate over fishing after Brexit as a parochial one.

The industry makes up less than half a per cent of UK GDP. Fishing interests are concentrat­ed in a small number of communitie­s, so the issue is wrapped up in retail politics. Because fishing disproport­ionately affects Scotland – six of the ten biggest ports for fish landings are north of the Border – any discussion has long since been colonised by the bigger constituti­onal debate. The UK was barely in the door of the EU when that happened.

Well, fishing isn’t a local issue anymore. It’s not even merely a national concern.

In fact, fishing is set to become the UK’S first internatio­nal trade row of the post-brexit era.

Emmanuel Macron’s reasons for making it so might have little to do with fishing. The French president is confrontin­g his toughest ever challenge as he tries to face down protesters causing chaos over a hike in fuel taxes. The demonstrat­ions have turned deadly, and Macron may have tried to write a few headlines about a tough stand in Brussels in a vain attempt to distract from the anger of the “gilet jaune” protests.

Whatever his reasons, it was clear Macron was intent on making waves over fishing from the moment he turned up in Brussels for the EU Council summit. He used his TV clip on arrival to thank Michel Barnier for ensuring “reciprocal access” to fishing waters was part of the withdrawal deal and pledged that French fishermen would be “well defended” in trade talks to come.

He wasn’t alone: Denmark, Germany Belgium, Ireland and Spain all have a stake in ensuring their fishing fleets can continue to access the UK’S waters after Brexit, and the Dutch prime minister Mark Rutte reflected that in his own comments.

“We have a big interest here, but also so does the UK to maintain market access to the EU for products coming out of UK waters,” he said, trying to sell the UK on something it really doesn’t want to do. The strength of that coalition was reflected in the minutes of the discussion the EU27 held before Prime Minister Theresa May came in the room: that a UK-EU fishing deal “should be built on… existing reciprocal access and quota shares”.

In the concluding press conference a few hours later, Macron was asked what kind of leverage he had to make that happen. The French president pushed the red

0 Environmen­tal groups say nearly half of the North Sea’s fish stocks continue to be overexploi­ted button and sent a Trident nuclear weapon shooting out of the waters of the North Sea: if that fisheries deal isn’t done by the time the transition period ends, the EU will trigger the backstop intended to prevent a hard border in Ireland. The effect would be to keep the UK stuck in the customs union against its will.

“I can’t imagine that the desire of Theresa May or her supporters is to remain for the long term in a customs union,” Macron is finished. Both sides should want a deal, particular­ly as the fish British consumers like to eat – cod and haddock – are largely imported, while the fish Europeans prefer – herring and mackerel – are among the UK’S biggest exports. A breakdown in the fish trade will hit consumers and fishermen on all sides.

It’s politics that stands in the way. The biggest indignity the EU’S Common Fisheries Policy imposed on British fishermen wasn’t the scrappage scheme (which concentrat­ed quotas and wealth in the hands of a few people who did very well out of it), restrictiv­e quotas or wasteful discards. It was the knowledge that others were often taking more out of their seas than they were.

No-one believed more fervently that Brexit would make them and their community a winner than fishermen. It’s pretty clear what a win looks like, Theresa May said it herself in a brief but telling comment: her deal would “deliver a bigger annual quota” for the UK.

That’s what this row is about, and how the government will ultimately be judged by fishing interests. Not on the minutiae of the legal agreement between London and Brussels, whether it stands alone or is folded into a wider trade deal. But whether fishing communitie­s feel like winners when the boats come back in.

The problem is this: environmen­tal groups say nearly half of the North Sea’s fish stocks continue to be over-exploited, despite the central aim of the CFP being to prevent ecological and economic disaster. Even stocks that are recovering, like cod, are still at historic lows.

Last year, the EU agreed to tough new measures under the CFP aimed at preventing overfishin­g by preventing quotas from exceeding levels regarded as sustainabl­e by scientists. Those measures, which will undoubtedl­y be part of discussion­s about a new UK-EU fishing regime after Brexit, were welcomed by the Environmen­t Secretary, Michael Gove – both a leading Brexiteer and someone who has rebuilt his political brand since 2016 through his environmen­tal credential­s.

British fishermen want a bigger share of the catch. European fishermen won’t accept a smaller share. Environmen­talists say no-one can catch much more than they do now. Mathematic­ally and politicall­y, the positions can’t be reconciled. The problem isn’t the deal: it’s that there really aren’t plenty more fish in the sea.

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