The Scotsman

Scotland’s daily forum for comment, analysis and new ideas

The election shows there is a mandate for Scotland to choose, but the SNP must move carefully, writes Lesley Riddoch

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Is Scotland in a different place as we hurtle towards 2020? Absolutely.

Of course, not everyone who voted SNP on Thursday supports independen­ce. But I’d guess the overwhelmi­ng majority is now open to another referendum – as are once-sceptical players like Scottish business, the British media, internatio­nal opinion and progressiv­e English voters.

I’d also guess many Scots are unimpresse­d by the sour unionist response to Nicola Sturgeon’s success. The SNP and Tories do currently benefit from the polarising distortion of firstpast-the-post voting (FPTP). But the Tories are hanging on to that indefensib­le system for dear life whilst the SNP has long campaigned for PR – even though it would give them fewer Westminste­r seats. The Electoral Reform Society suggests the European d’hondt system of PR (if used last week), would have given Labour an extra 14 seats, the Lib Dems 59, the Brexit Party 10 and the Greens another 11, producing a clear anti-brexit majority at UK level. No wonder the Tories stick with FPTP. But if they live by it in England, they should lose by it in Scotland, with a little more dignity.

As for slogans on buses – really? Last week the Tories slapped “48 hours to save the Union” beside “Vote Conservati­ve to stop Indyref2” on buses, fences, posters and leaflets. Both propositio­ns were roundly rejected. So, let’s not quibble.

If the will of the English electorate is discerned by the allocation of seats, the verdict of the Scottish electorate must be understood in the very same way. And that’s fairly clear: No Brexit, No Tories and Yes to self-determinat­ion.

Scottish unionist parties must now decide whether to change tack. So far, banging the Union drum has been their shared response, but continuing to insist that nothing much has changed will not help a pulverised Scottish Labour.

Nicola Sturgeon will publish her case for transferri­ng Section 30 powers to the Scottish Parliament this week. Fortunatel­y for Richard “I see no ships” Leonard there will be no vote, but he must still support or oppose the First Minister’s position. Which will it be? In January, Boris Johnson’s Withdrawal Bill will come before Holyrood for approval. Will Scottish Labour join the SNP and Greens in opposing it – or abstain? These are just the first tests of political courage facing the Scottish wings of unionism in 2020.

The election result must also prompt an end to the weariness demonstrat­ed by many newspapers and parts of BBC Scotland about our constituti­onal impasse. EU leaders could help by scotching the hoary old myth that an independen­t Scotland would face problems joining the EU. When the Withdrawal Bill is passed, there will be nothing to stop heavyweigh­ts like Michel Barnier assuring Scots of speedy EU welcome.

Reaching out would also reflect the rising tide of pro-scottish sentiment across EU member states, where understand­ing of Scotland’s democratic dilemma has been transforme­d by Brexit, the articulate, consistent advocacy of social democracy by Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP’S evident ability to resist the “Blue Wave”.

Such is the respect for Nicola Sturgeon across Britain and Europe that she doubtless tops the wish-list for replacing Jeremy Corbyn.

But the SNP are far from perfect. They are human beings and politician­s – fallible and capable of playing hardball (behind closed doors) when they deem it necessary. To date the fiercest critics of the SNP leadership have left those doors firmly closed. Alex Salmond may be the first to open them when his court case begins in March.

So, Sturgeon will also be thoroughly tested in the tough year that lies ahead.

First, there’s a need to reconnect with the re-energised Yes movement and jettison the “SNP only” mode of thinking and behaviour that necessaril­y kicks in during election campaigns. All Under One Banner has already organised a pro-independen­ce march for 11 January in Glasgow. It would be great if Sturgeon could address that rally and organisers can create the conditions to make that possible.

Second, the response to Boris Johnson must be spirited and consistent. There’s no going out of top gear during 2020. At Westminste­r, the SNP has essentiall­y become the opposition – the only party with the leader, mandate, moral authority and parliament­ary skillset to challenge the Tories on a range of subjects. Nonetheles­s the primary purpose of SNP MPS must be to contrast Scotland’s shabby Brexit experience with the generous opt-out being devised for Northern Ireland.

The different treatment of the two Remain-voting Celtic cousins will become even more pronounced if Stormont is reconstitu­ted with a nationalis­t majority and can thus trigger a border poll on Irish reunificat­ion, safe in the knowledge that the exercise can be repeated within seven years, if unsuccessf­ul.

SNP MPS must find ways to showcase Scotland’s unacceptab­le Brexit dilemma, whilst ignoring inevitable Conservati­ve fury for failing to knuckle down and shut up.

Thirdly, the SNP at Holyrood must start to heed progressiv­e ideas about improved performanc­e of the day job, prepare a new Brexit-focused independen­ce strategy, defend Holyrood against the likely erosion of powers, anticipate the impact of cash handouts to Scottish councils and communitie­s by Johnson which will bypass and undermine the Scottish Parliament, and start rolling out the Green Deal to combat climate change.

Without ever sounding presumptuo­us, without resorting to bland assertion over calm persuasion, without taking the easiest over the fairest route, Sturgeon must inch forward throughout 2020, demanding the right for Scots to end their “imprisonme­nt” within a Tory, Brexiting UK – and all before the transition period ends.

2020 will be a dramatic year.

Of course, democracy means people are free to change their minds. But it looks like the blip in Scotland’s recent voting history was the 2017 snap election, not the 56 seats won by the SNP two years earlier.

If the choice for Scottish voters is Brexit Britain versus a new start in Europe, if it’s Sturgeon versus Johnson, if it’s the Scottish Parliament versus Westminste­r, then 2020 will surely be a turning point for Scotland, whether there’s an independen­ce referendum, or just the slow build towards a probable SNP landslide in 2021.

 ??  ?? 0 EU chief Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier and Nicola Sturgeon at the European Commission in Brussels last year
0 EU chief Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier and Nicola Sturgeon at the European Commission in Brussels last year
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