The Scotsman

Edinburgh needs homes – so it needs developers

City’s demands of housebuild­ers may prompt them to look elsewhere, writes John Mclellan

- Road to hell, part one Road to hell, part two

It’s unlikely that Edinburgh City Council’s communicat­ions department has a hotline to the Economist magazine, but with immaculate timing the magazine published a stinging critique of the housing market the same day as the authority released its vision for the Capital’s developmen­t in the coming decade.

The housing market had failed, said the magazine, because of “a lack of building, especially near the thriving cities in which jobs are plentiful. Fiddly regulation­s protect an elite of existing homeowners and prevent developers from building the skyscraper­s and flats that the modern economy demands.

“The resulting high rents and house prices make it hard for workers to move to where the most productive jobs are, and have slowed growth.”

It sounds a lot like Edinburgh, where a combinatio­n of planning difficulti­es, the advance of short-term letting and population growth have limited supply and pushed up prices and private sector rents. Council rents are amongst the highest in Scotland and key workers like nurses and teachers are forced to live in cheaper neighbouri­ng authoritie­s with all the commuting headaches that entails.

Land is in short supply and the best estimates in Edinburgh Council’s Choices paper published on Thursday are that a minimum of 43,000 new homes, of which 20,800 should be affordable, will be needed by 2032 but there is only enough effective land for 22,600. A further 7,500 could be built on “constraine­d” sites which still leaves a minimum shortfall of 17,600.

The council’s preferred strategy of increasing density while delivering “quality open space”, which presumably means taller blocks, might find favour with the Economist but a “significan­t” programme of compulsory purchase orders to make sure there is enough land sounds like a threat to private landowners and businesses.

Judging by the sites identified for potential housing developmen­t, I’d be very concerned if I ran one of the big car dealership­s along Seafield Road.

So too will the proposal to increase the number of affordable homes on any new estate from 25 per cent to 35 go down like a breeze-block balloon with housebuild­ers.

The presumptio­n is that Edinburgh is such an economic hotspot that developers will go along with whatever restrictio­ns are imposed, but it risks giving them an incentive to look for more opportunit­ies beyond the city boundaries with authoritie­s which continue to prove more than accommodat­ing. It would still leave Edinburgh with a transport problem and continue to push city prices up even higher.

The Choices proposals will be discussed this Wednesday and then go out for consultati­on before a plan is finalised by the autumn, although such are the highly optimistic targets which Edinburgh Council set itself that wriggle room for compromise is close to non-existent.

It must be the strategy season in Edinburgh, with the Tourism Strategy eventually being published on Thursday some days after extensive briefing to the Edinburgh Evening News, and the City Mobility Plan discussed the same day.

Like the Choices paper, neither will be finalised until a consultati­on exercise has been conducted, but with all three documents feeding off each other and referring back to the city administra­tion’s broad policy commitment­s, the general direction should be clear.

Certainly as far as tourism is concerned, the council has pulled the plug on any active promotion of Edinburgh as a destinatio­n with the scrapping of Marketing Edinburgh to save £1m a year which will not be reinvested in promotiona­l activity, while quietly expecting Visitscotl­and to keep up demand.

The Tourism Strategy document explains there will be a shift “from driving growth to managing growth”, but a senior officer apparently put it more succinctly at a community meeting this week by noting that “the tourism strategy is radical… no more tourists”.

Similarly, the mobility plan makes it clear that private motoring will no longer be welcome through the city centre, so it seems the aim is an overall calming of the city centre which will appeal to many local residents, as will new restrictio­ns on shortterm lets.

But with pressure remaining on rents and property prices, if the aim of creating a much more pleasant environmen­t is achieved then there is a strong possibilit­y that the potential effect of all the strategies together will be to drive property prices up even higher. If the goal is to create sustainabl­e communitie­s then there are none more sustainabl­e than the wealthy.

But there is a long way to go, and even before the week was out there was confusion about whether or not the mobility plan included fully pedestrian­ising George Street, with New Town traders insisting this was not included and then administra­tion councillor­s insisting it was.

There are not many references to business sustainabi­lity in the new strategies, and as the old saying goes, the road to hell is paved with good intentions.

The road to hell might also be laid by a legal opinion from constituti­onal law QC Aidan O’neill that the Scottish Parliament could legislate for a second independen­ce referendum, but rather wisely added that his view would need to be tested in court.

The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass whatever legislatio­n it likes, but the question is whether it would be legally enforceabl­e and that’s where the courts would come in.

This week First Minister Nicola Sturgeon reacted angrily to the comparison made by Labour leadership candidate Lisa Nandy between the SNP’S campaign and Catalonia, but Mr O’neill’s view has an inevitable similarity with Catalonian separatist­s who held a non-binding referendum which was boycotted by most pro-spain supporters and which Spanish police tried to suppress with force.

While the UK government would not send in the riot police to stop people voting as the Spanish government did, Mr O’neill’s opinion will increase pressure on Ms Sturgeon from her own side to act unilateral­ly and that would in turn put the courts on a collision course with either side.

Unionists would shun an illegal referendum, so where would that lead?

The anger on display at the All Under One Banner march in Glasgow last weekend (and the utter hatred for the 25 per cent of the Scottish electorate who voted Conservati­ve) would only be the start.

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