The Week

Corbyn and the politics of betrayal

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To The Guardian

It’s remarkable that opponents of Jeremy Corbyn still do not seem to understand the sources of his appeal. Let me suggest two reasons. The first is that many voting for him have experience­d, through employment in the public sector, the gradual creep of privatisat­ion, and the imposition of forms of management illiterate in the understand­ing of contexts such as education or healthcare. Second, considerab­le sections of the workforce (the “left behind”) have seen their jobs stripped of benefits and security, and – through an overemphas­is on academic credential­ism – stripped of any respect. The fantasy of social mobility through competitio­n and selective forms of education consistent­ly marginalis­es this group.

All these changes have been legitimate­d as modernisat­ion, while challenges to them are written off as Old Labour. There is nothing – as many people voting for Corbyn have said loudly – modern about greater inequality, or old-fashioned about principles of fairness and equality. Many people take the view that neo-liberal economics can never deliver anything except to the rich and powerful, and that a politics of minor adjustment­s is not a sufficient challenge. Mary Evans, Patrixbour­ne, Kent

To The Times

As a historian of the Labour Party, I was dismayed but not surprised to hear so many calls for “unity” in the aftermath of Jeremy Corbyn’s re-election – even, most strikingly, from his opponents among Labour MPS, commentato­rs and academics. “Unity” is not a good in itself, and to call for it is little more than blockheade­d tribalism of the most unthinking sort. Moderates should not “unite” with people who back Britain’s enemies abroad and who pursue a style of politics at home that is little more than malice in the guise of virtue. To fixate on “unity” is a reflection of the same cultural problems that has landed Labour in its current mess: a historical, pathologic­al, and increasing­ly pathetic fixation with “betrayal”. Country should come before party; but, for some, being “Labour” is such a central part of their identity that they are willing to go along with almost anything to sustain it. In pondering what to do next, they might reflect on the great figures from Labour history who put their country first: Attlee, Bevin, Callaghan and, yes, Ramsay Macdonald. Dr Robert Crowcroft, lecturer in contempora­ry history, University of Edinburgh

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