Catalonia’s dream of independence
Next week Catalonia will hold an independence referendum that Spain’s courts have ruled illegal
Was Catalonia ever independent?
Not in the modern era. Though it has a long history as a distinct region with its own language, culture and institutions, it has been part of Spain since the country’s unification in the 15th century. Its history has been marked by a series of struggles for autonomy: a Catalan Republic has been declared on four separate occasions – in 1641, 1873, 1931 and 1934. But each time, it has proved very short-lived.
What are Catalonia’s origins?
In the ninth century, Wilfred the Hairy, Count of Barcelona, united several Catalan-speaking counties that had recently been reconquered from the Moors. By the tenth century, the House of Barcelona was effectively a state of its own, extending into the Catalan region of modern-day France. In 1137, the Count of Barcelona married the queen of the neighbouring kingdom of Aragon, uniting the two in a joint monarchy, the Crown of Aragon, which for two centuries was one of the great powers of the western Mediterranean. Catalonia remained a self-ruling principality within it, with one of Europe’s earliest parliaments, the Corts Catalanes. Barcelona became rich, and Catalonia’s art and literature flourished.
When did it become part of Spain?
In 1469, King Ferdinand of Aragon married Queen Isabella of Castile, effectively creating modern Spain. Catalonia retained a large degree of autonomy – it had its own political institutions, courts and laws – but in the ensuing centuries, a series of wars led steadily to the extension of Spanish power. These culminated in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-14), in which Catalonia, allied to England, fought for the cause of the Austrian house of Habsburg against the Bourbon claimant, Philip, Duke of Anjou. Catalonia was eventually abandoned by its allies, and in 1714, Barcelona fell to Philip’s forces. As Philip V of Spain, the new king abolished Catalan autonomy, the Corts and its constitution, and made Castilian Spanish the sole language of government.
When did demands for Catalan separatism re-emerge?
In the 1850s, serious efforts were made to revive Catalan as a living language with its own press, literature and theatre. Catalonia was by now the richest, most industrialised part of Spain, with cotton mills second only to England, and this new movement, the Renaixença, or renaissance, not only fostered pride in Catalonia’s history but also fuelled demands for self-rule. When the Spanish monarchy fell in 1931 and Spain became a republic, a left-wing coalition that had triumphed in Catalonia’s municipal elections declared an independent Catalan Republic. In the spirit of compromise, Catalonia was then made an autonomous province.
How did it fare in the Civil War?
A key republican stronghold, it found itself once again on the losing side: the war was effectively ended when it fell to General Franco’s forces early in 1939. The Republican president of Catalonia, Lluís Companys, was tortured and executed; autonomy was revoked, Catalan nationalism was repressed and the use of the Catalan
language heavily restricted. Catalan festivals were banned and local names for new-born children forbidden.
Does it have much autonomy today?
Under the Spanish Constitution of 1978, enacted after the transition to democracy following Franco’s death, Catalonia is one of Spain’s 17 “autonomous communities” , with its own executive (the Generalitat) and parliament. In 2006, amid new demands for self-rule, a new statute of autonomy was passed, negotiated with José Zapatero’s socialist government, which granted greater powers over taxation and acknowledged Catalonia’s status as a “nation” within Spain. However, in 2010, much of this statute was declared unconstitutional and struck down by Spain’s Constitutional Court. More than a million Catalans marched in protest, and demand for an independence referendum grew.
Why do so many Catalans long for independence?
Partly owing to historical grievances and the sense that Catalonia’s distinct identity has been suppressed. But money also plays a part. It is still one of Spain’s richest regions: it accounts for only 16% of the population yet contributes about 20% of GDP, and 25% of exports. Nationalists claim the Spanish state “robs” them: the gap between what they pay in taxes and what they get back is about s10bn a year. This feeling has become more pronounced since the debt crisis of 2008, which many blame on Madrid. Support for independence has risen but is still limited: Catalonia’s official polls show it going from below 20% in 2008 to around 40% today.
Why has the situation become so acrimonious?
Because there’s so little scope for compromise. Spain’s constitution proclaims the “indissoluble unity” of the Spanish nation; it decrees that referendums can only be held if approved by Spain’s parliament. The current conservative government, led by Mariano Rajoy, has tried to block two attempts to hold a referendum (in 2014 and this year), and the Constitutional Court has declared such a poll illegal. When the 2014 vote did go ahead on a “consultative” basis, 80% opted for independence, albeit on a low turnout. This time, the stakes have been raised. Catalan President Carles Puigdemont, whose Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes) coalition has a small majority in Catalonia’s parliament, says the referendum will go ahead regardless, and that in the event of a “Yes” vote, there will be a unilateral declaration of independence. Madrid has retaliated by taking control of Catalonia’s finances, raiding ministries, and arresting 14 officials involved in organising the vote.
Can’t the stand-off be resolved?
Puigdemont says that a “third way” proposal short of independence, which secures further devolution and addresses complaints concerning the Catalan language and public finances, would clearly be accepted by Catalonia’s voters; but that such a proposal has never been made. Rajoy’s government counters that “everything can be discussed”, but not when “a sword of Damocles is hanging over our head”.