Yorkshire Post

Sovereignt­y matters most in Europe debate

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I DO not support a second referendum. It seems odd to me that those who objected to the first referendum on the grounds that it offended the principle of Parliament­ary democracy now argue that it is an appropriat­e way to allow the electorate to express a view.

For a while, I – like, I suspect, others – was conflicted on how to vote in the European referendum. For me it was a heart and mind decision, and of course they were not entirely in agreement.

I could see that there were risks involved in exiting the EU. It was the and therefore there would be costs associated with the change and disruption to our governance – as we will probably see here over the next few weeks.

There was the potential effect on economic trade. The European Union, including its currency, has not been an economic miracle. In fact, it has enhanced bureaucrac­y and reduced free enterprise. The European procuremen­t process alone is a disincenti­ve to innovation. In the Metropolit­an Police, where I served, the dreaded words “EU procuremen­t in public service” usually means 18 months of little progress. The contradict­ion is that it takes longer to make a worse decision than in commerce.

The Union is said to have better protected human rights against the infringeme­nts of the state. However, the more intrusive the European Union became, the more that protection was needed from a Commission, Parliament and Council of Ministers that lacked democratic accountabi­lity.

Concerns have been expressed about our future security, but our security is built on a strong military, intelligen­ce and policing infrastruc­ture. However, I argue that maintainin­g all these does not require the UK to be a member of the EU.

In defence, our military strength depends on our own investment­s and innovation, together with those of our allies. Our major military bulwark is NATO. It does not rely on Europe but it does rely on America.

In the sphere of intelligen­ce, our intelligen­ce effectiven­ess is built on our partnershi­p with the “Five Eyes” intelligen­ce community of America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK – yet they are not in Europe.

No country in the world shares all its intelligen­ce and sources with any other country. Europe does not have an intelligen­ce hub where the French tell the UK and Germany tells Holland everything they know about each other — it is not in their national interest to do so. The reports that the US had listened to the German Chancellor’s telephone can have surprised no one. However, we have been very effective at bilateral sharing of informatio­n on terrorism. Does anyone seriously suggest that on leaving Europe we would not share informatio­n about attacks on Paris or Brussels, should we have it?

On policing, we have been effective at sharing criminal intelligen­ce, wanted lists and extraditio­n warrants through Europol, which is not an enforcemen­t agency. We have also co-ordinated enforcemen­t through Eurojust and MLATs, which have enabled efficient investigat­ions. However, our European experience has not been perfect.

When we voted to leave Europe, we were still not a member of Prüm – the European database of DNA, fingerprin­ts and facial images that is shared across Europe. The European extraditio­n warrant was efficient and consistent across Europe, but it required a sufficienc­y of evidence to charge in the requesting country before such a warrant could be issued. This meant that, on return to this country, the suspect could not be interviewe­d and had to be charged immediatel­y. This is a high bar which interrupte­d some very good investigat­ions.

The benefits of Europol are enjoyed by Norway, which is not a member of the European Union – so why not the UK? There is great mutual benefit to Europe and the UK in not providing a safe haven to criminals from each set of countries. No one wishes to see foreign criminals roaming free in the UK, and I am sure that this will be one of the issues to be resolved in the present negotiatio­ns, with new extraditio­n agreements based on the existing model.

I resolved my heart and mind dilemma by realising that what mattered most of all was sovereignt­y. An unreformed EU from which we were diverging would be a significan­t threat to our future.

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