Yorkshire Post

Nothing to fear if we decide on a no-deal Brexit

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FOR TWO years, I have advised businesses to prepare for Brexit assuming no UK/EU Trade Agreement. A trade deal would be the best outcome.

But the Chequers plan is moribund and it is time to recognise that ‘no deal’ is likely and would be a good second best – making a better deal possible later.

Leaving with no trade deal with the EU has four consequenc­es.

First, we would trade with the EU on World Trade Organisati­on (WTO) terms. As Trade and Industry Secretary, I spent 10 days incarcerat­ed in the Heysel Stadium negotiatin­g the Uruguay Round which set up the WTO.

Far from ‘falling off a cliff ’, WTO terms are designed to provide a ‘safety net’ ensuring all members can trade without discrimina­tion. The EU will have to offer us the Most Favoured Nation terms its other major trading partners enjoy.

The Uruguay Round also halved most tariffs. So, the average tariff the EU would levy on our exports would be four per cent. Non-tariff border costs could add one per cent according to the Dutch, but the Swiss put actual border costs at just 0.1 per cent.

Either way, tariffs and other border costs are dwarfed by the 15 per cent boost to our exporters’ competitiv­eness from movement of the pound since the referendum. There would be winners and losers – a 10 per cent tariff on cars, higher still on food. But applying EU tariffs to our imports from Europe would yield £13bn. Even if we slash those tariffs, as we should, it would leave enough to compensate the losers.

Some argue that tariff-free access to the EU market was worth paying for. But Britain’s £10bn net contributi­on is seven per cent of the value of our exports. Paying seven per cent to avoid four per cent was not a good deal!

We will be free to join the Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p, negotiate trade deals with America and others, and slash tariffs on goods we don’t produce – especially necessitie­s like food and clothing.

Second, without a trade deal, Parliament will reject any Withdrawal Agreement offering the EU £40bn. The whole Agreement – money, citizens’ rights, Ireland, transition – then falls. That leaves Britain £40bn better off, and ends our annual £10bn net contributi­on immediatel­y – boosting our GDP, balance of payments and public finances. We must guarantee unilateral­ly – as we should have on day one – EU citizens’ rights in Britain, shaming the EU to reciprocat­e.

The unjustifie­d Irish border ‘backstop’ commitment disappears. HMRC says Britain will not “require any infrastruc­ture at the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland under any circumstan­ces” – tariffs can be collected alongside VAT returns. The previous Irish government agreed an invisible customs frontier, as will Varadkar, given no alternativ­e. Then the convention­al trade deal with the EU becomes possible.

The third implicatio­n of ‘no deal’ emanates largely from Remainers’ fevered imaginatio­ns – motorways becoming lorry parks, food and drug shortages, planes grounded.

How we control imports is in our hands. Lorries laden with fresh food will not be queuing for hours at Dover since Dover sees no need for new physical checks. Tariffs would be collected electronic­ally like Excise and VAT. If some firms initially fail to complete electronic customs declaratio­ns, HMRC will avoid delays by waving lorries through. If the French slow down Calais, the Dutch and Belgian ports will offer speedier service.

We will continue to authorise medicines we currently import – the EU can either reciprocat­e or put their patients at risk.

British Airways chief Willie Walsh has dismissed fears of planes being grounded and all the airlines are selling tickets way beyond March 2019. Spain would not forego 1.5 million British tourists a month.

The hostile non co-operation envisaged by Remainers would be not only impractica­l but illegal three times over. It contravene­s the EU’s Constituti­on which requires it “to establish an area of good neighbourl­iness” with neighbouri­ng countries; the WTO Treaty which forbids discrimina­tion against trading partners; and the new Trade Facilitati­on Treaty which commits members to facilitate trade not obstruct it.

The threat is intended to portray leaving the EU as costly. In fact it demonstrat­es that membership has no significan­t benefits.

Remainers’ threats of EU hostile non co-operation if we leave with no deal are an admission that remaining in the EU confers no net benefit. They seriously underestim­ate the British people if they think we will cave in before such threats

Finally, freed from the constraint­s of EU membership and Article 50, we could negotiate our new relationsh­ip with the EU as equals.

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