Albany Times Union

‘Green Amendment’ should fail

- By Andrew Bing ▶ Andrew Bing of Castleton is an attorney who worked for the state Attorney General’s Office before retiring in 2018.

If approved by New York voters next month, the proposed “Green Amendment” would amend the New York Constituti­on to provide that “(e)ach person shall have a right to clean air and water, and a healthful environmen­t.”

All reasonable people would agree that the environmen­t must be protected, and New York now has a very strong environmen­tal regulatory system based on state laws and regulation­s. These laws and regulation­s have been repeatedly strengthen­ed in the past and can be further amended to address any shortcomin­gs. The Green Amendment is not the answer to New York’s environmen­tal problems and should be defeated.

The amendment’s open-ended language would generate an avalanche of lawsuits claiming that private parties as well as the state and local government­s have in some manner failed to provide clean air and water and a healthful environmen­t. In these cases, plaintiffs’ lawyers and judges, rather than the Legislatur­e and the governor, would make complex environmen­tal policy in an ad hoc, caseby-case manner without any public input. Further, courts would very likely award massive judgments against the government, giving judges and juries the final say over government­al budget priorities, without regard to other critical competing needs such as health care and infrastruc­ture. The taxpayers, who have had no say in the matter, would be responsibl­e for satisfying these judgments. The only winners would be plaintiffs’ lawyers.

Under the present constituti­on, the Legislatur­e and the governor, who are directly accountabl­e to the voters, are the state officers who make environmen­tal and budget policy. Granting such broad policy making authority only to people who must frequently answer to the voters for their actions is essential in a democracy. Deciding how best to protect the environmen­t involves the careful balancing of many competing health, economic and other interests of New York’s residents, businesses and everyone else affected. Balancing the costs and the benefits of regulation, and determinin­g who should bear the costs and receive the benefits, is what legislatur­es do.

Similarly, budgeting, that is, deciding how much the state should spend each year on health care, infrastruc­ture, housing, education, environmen­tal protection and many similar needs, and deciding how much tax revenue should be raised to pay for these needs, and from whom, is best done by the Legislatur­e and the governor. Public input should follow after a thorough considerat­ion of both the pressing needs of the public and the resources available to provide for those needs. In passing laws and making a budget, the Legislatur­e frequently conducts investigat­ions, holds hearings, solicits comments from interested parties, and obtains input from constituen­ts, ensuring that people with an interest in the matter have the chance to comment.

The proposed amendment would upend this democratic process and hand substantia­l environmen­tal policymaki­ng and budgeting authority to the courts. The amendment does not define the terms “clean air and water” and “a healthful environmen­t” and does not specify who is authorized to define them. It pointedly does not authorize the Legislatur­e to do so. Nor does the proposed amendment specify how its vague terms are to be enforced, or, more importantl­y, who is to enforce them. By leaving out these crucial details, the amendment opens the door wide to policy making by litigation.

Having courts decide environmen­tal policy and how scarce state financial resources should be allocated among many competing needs is itself a very bad policy. First, many judges (including those of the Court of Appeals, New York’s highest court) are not elected, and even those who are elected serve long terms and face the voters only rarely. Second, courts exist to resolve disputes among the parties to a particular case. Only judges, juries, witnesses and lawyers are involved, and the case is resolved based on the evidence assembled by the parties for the purposes of that case alone. The only questions are whether the defendant has impaired a right of the plaintiff, and if so, what the remedy should be. There is no requiremen­t for public input and courts need not consider the views of nonparties. In resolving a case, courts do not weigh and balance competing public interests.

Although environmen­tal litigation is already commonplac­e, courts today are constraine­d by the existing legal framework created by lawmakers who are answerable to the voters. But under the amendment there would be no limit on the power of judges and juries to decide what “clean air and water” and “a healthful environmen­t” require in any particular case, and how much should be spent to obtain them.

Just how broadly the amendment, if adopted, will be construed will ultimately be up to the courts, but history shows that judges have not been shy about enlarging their authority. The voters should reject the Green Amendment because it would make the courts rather than the people’s elected representa­tives the last word on the state’s environmen­tal policy and budget priorities.

Having courts decide environmen­tal policy and how scarce state financial resources should be allocated among many competing needs is itself a very bad policy.

 ?? Photo illustrati­on by Jeff Boyer / Times Union ??
Photo illustrati­on by Jeff Boyer / Times Union

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