Albuquerque Journal

In White House, what’s up may really be down

Trump’s frequent shifts can undermine positions of aides, allies

- BY JULIE PACE AND ALAN FRAM

WASHINGTON — What’s the White House’s word worth?

Days of conflictin­g and misleading statements from President Donald Trump and his top aides have fueled new questions about the White House’s credibilit­y, sowing mistrust and instabilit­y within the West Wing and leaving some congressio­nal Republican­s wondering if they have a good faith negotiatin­g partner in the president.

One former congressio­nal GOP leadership aide said it was becoming impossible for Republican­s to negotiate anything with White House officials, given the president’s willingnes­s to undermine his own team’s public and private assurances. In turn, White House officials have found themselves in the bizarre position of urging lawmakers to ignore some of the president’s own statements.

That was the case Friday, when Trump blasted out a morning tweet threatenin­g to veto a massive government spending bill that the White House had guaranteed lawmakers and the public that he would sign. White House officials privately insisted the president was simply venting after watching news coverage that cast the deal as a defeat for several of his priorities. After hours of uncertaint­y, Trump’s veto threat crumbled, and he ultimately signed the legislatio­n.

Still, it left some Republican­s rattled.

“The spontaneit­y and lack of impulse control are areas of concern for lots of members on both sides of the aisle,” said Rep. Charlie Dent, a Pennsylvan­ia Republican who has been critical of the president. “Disorder, chaos, instabilit­y, uncertaint­y, intemperat­e statements are not conservati­ve virtues in my opinion.”

Trent Lott, the former Republican Senate majority leader from Mississipp­i, said GOP lawmakers “feel a good deal of consternat­ion” about the White Houseinduc­ed whiplash. But he added: “I assume there was method in what the president did.”

Members of both parties said they were troubled that Trump seems oblivious to how he has undermined his own clout and agenda by staking out positions and then brazenly abandoning them. Where legislator­s once might have attributed such missteps to the president’s newness to Washington and its ways, not anymore.

Trump’s vacillatin­g on the spending bill was just one in a series of recent instances that put the credibilit­y of the White House’s words under a microscope. Earlier this month, Trump bragged at a private fundraiser about having made up facts on trade during a conversati­on with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. And in recent days, he and his staff have issued stern denials about the prospects of national security adviser H.R. McMaster departing the White House and a potential shake-up on the legal team that handles Trump’s role in the special counsel investigat­ion into Russian election interferen­ce and obstructio­n of justice. Beyond public statements, White House chief of staff John Kelly had privately assured his staff that no shake-up was on the horizon.

By week’s end, McMaster was out. And the legal team had lost one attorney and appeared to be looking for another one.

Trump’s trouble with the truth is hardly new. He frequently mangles the facts on everything from the size of his inaugurati­on crowd to the scope of the tax bill he signed late last year. And as his boasting about his interactio­n with Trudeau underscore­d, the president rarely appears to be embarrasse­d or ashamed about repeating statements that have been proven false.

“There’s a fundamenta­l difference between this White House and those of the modern era that preceded it,” said Timothy Naftali, a historian and the former director of Richard Nixon’s presidenti­al library. “It doesn’t care about its credibilit­y outside of a narrow swath of the American people.”

Trump’s willingnes­s to skirt the truth has frequently put his advisers in the awkward position of issuing strong statements in public that are quickly undermined by the president. Spokeswoma­n Sarah Huckabee Sanders repeatedly batted down reports about McMaster’s ouster in the days leading up to Trump’s announceme­nt that he was bringing in a new national security adviser.

And on the eve of Trump’s spending bill veto threat, budget director Mick Mulvaney left no ambiguity about the president’s plans to validate the measure.

“Let’s cut right to the chase. Is the president going to sign the bill? Yes. Why? Because it funds his priorities,” Mulvaney said.

White House officials privately contend that they are often left in an impossible situation given Trump’s willingnes­s to change his mind. Even if their statements are true at the time, they say, there’s no guarantee the president’s position will hold.

Peter Wehner, who served in the administra­tions of Presidents Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush, said Trump ultimately has no one to blame but himself.

“He doesn’t even know what his own stance is,” said Wehner, a frequent Trump critic. “It just devalues his word and his threats and promises and his presidency.”

 ?? PABLO MARTINEZ MONSIVAIS/ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? President Donald Trump walks into the Diplomatic Room of the White House to speak about the $1.3 trillion spending bill. After promising support for the bill, Trump threatened to veto it.
PABLO MARTINEZ MONSIVAIS/ASSOCIATED PRESS President Donald Trump walks into the Diplomatic Room of the White House to speak about the $1.3 trillion spending bill. After promising support for the bill, Trump threatened to veto it.

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