Albuquerque Journal

Ryan’s resignatio­n precursor of further conservati­ve decline

- Dionne’s columns, including those not published in the Journal, can be read at abqjournal.com/opinion — look for the syndicated columnist link. Copyright, Washington Post Writers Group; e-mail: ejdionne@washpost.com. Twitter: @EJDionne. E. J. DIONNE Colum

WASHINGTON — Paul Ryan started his political life hoping to be the champion of a sunny, forward-looking conservati­sm. He will step down from the House speakershi­p as the personific­ation of conservati­sm’s decline.

One is tempted to call Ryan’s journey tragic, the tale of a young, idealistic family man transforme­d into an enabler for the most morally indifferen­t and utterly selfish president in our nation’s history.

It’s hard to imagine the 28-year-old who entered Congress in 1999 thought fate would lead him to protect a chief executive under scrutiny for an alleged payoff to a porn star, potential entangleme­nts with Russian interferen­ce in our election and efforts to derail legitimate investigat­ions into his behavior.

Yet tragedy often implies a protagonis­t who suffered because of forces beyond his own control. Ryan is very much responsibl­e for the fix he and his party are in. This is why he had to push back against suspicions he is leaving before a political deluge engulfs House Republican­s this fall.

Ryan has been driven by two priorities throughout his career: slashing taxes on the best-off Americans and eviscerati­ng social-welfare and safety-net programs in the name of “entitlemen­t reform.” Whatever advanced these objectives was worth doing.

In announcing his retirement from Congress on Wednesday, he was thus reduced to repeating four times in response to questions that he was “grateful” to President Trump for creating the opportunit­y, as Ryan put it at one point, “to actually get this stuff done.”

The “stuff” the speaker was obsessed with included a corporate tax cut that ballooned a deficit he has made a career out of denouncing. Despite Ryan’s rhetoric, deficits never counted for him if they were created by showering money on the country’s privileged sectors.

At his news conference, Ryan was required by journalist­s to acknowledg­e the trillion-dollar annual budget holes that a supposedly conservati­ve Congress and administra­tion have helped create. He reiterated his stock response, mourning that the Senate never approved his plans to cut Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security and food stamps, which is the policy translatio­n of the bloodless phrase “entitlemen­t reform.”

The many in Washington who personally like Ryan often wonder how he could so readily cozy up to Trump and empower House members — notably Intelligen­ce Committee Chairman Devin Nunes — who have turned themselves into propagandi­sts for Trump’s desperate quest to escape accountabi­lity.

The answer lies paradoxica­lly in Ryan’s idealism, rooted in his youthful fascinatio­n with the philosophy of Ayn Rand. She identified with society’s winners and regarded ordinary citizens as moochers and burdens on the creative and the entreprene­urial.

Although Ryan gave warm speeches about compassion, his biggest fear was not that the poor might go without food or health care but, as he once said, that the “safety net” might “become a hammock that lulls able-bodied citizens into lives of complacenc­y and dependency.”

He later backed away from Rand and acknowledg­ed that the hammock was “the wrong analogy.” But his policies suggested he never abandoned his core faith: If the wealthy did best when given positive incentives in the form of more money, the less fortunate needed to be prodded by less generous social policies into taking responsibi­lity for their own fate.

Given where Ryan’s passions lie, it is unsurprisi­ng he would prop Trump up as long as the president was willing to embrace a modern-day Social Darwinism that married efforts to repeal the Affordable Care Act with reductions in government’s imposition­s on the managers and owners of capital. The retiring speaker really does believe this is the path to the good society. To pursue it, he’ll take help wherever he can get it.

If Ryan has presidenti­al ambitions, he is certainly wise to walk away now. The House Republican majority and Trump himself may well be wrecked by the president’s unscrupulo­us impulsiven­ess. Ryan’s departure will not only give him time with his family — those who know him see the politician’s proverbial excuse for leave-taking as having reality in his case — but also the opportunit­y to try to cleanse himself of the stain left by a low and dishonest political moment. In 2024, he will be just 54.

Yet he has been propelled to the exits because his sort of conservati­sm hit a dead end. It’s why we have Trump, and why Ryan was forced to acquiesce to a man whose statements he once condemned as racist and whose personal life is the antithesis of his own. This is the part of Ryan’s legacy he’ll have great difficulty living down.

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