Albuquerque Journal

Separate immigratio­n status from local policing efforts

- ESTHER CEPEDA E-mail: estherjcep­eda@washpost.com. Copyright, Washington Post Writers Group.

CHICAGO — Most immigratio­n policies impact all Americans, not just the ones who moved here from another country. This is especially so when it comes to matters of public safety.

Last week, a federal district court judge ruled the U.S. Justice Department cannot require local police department­s to help immigratio­n agents in exchange for federal funding.

The injunction is a rebuke to Attorney General Jeff Sessions as well as the Trump White House, which has sought to boost deportatio­ns in Hispanic neighborho­ods by tying federal money to informatio­n-sharing between local law enforcemen­t and federal immigratio­n officers.

Supporters of such programs as Secure Communitie­s and 287(g) — both of which expanded the immigratio­n-enforcemen­t powers of local police during the Obama administra­tion — believe they are common-sense mechanisms to ensure that unauthoriz­ed immigrants caught during routine police calls are identified for deportatio­n.

The truth is that these programs have been denounced for nearly a decade by law-enforcemen­t leaders across the country who say they erode the relationsh­ip between residents and their local police, leading to poorer law enforcemen­t and lesssafe neighborho­ods.

A recent article on the website of the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning policy think tank, analyzes the negative impact that 287(g) policies can have on communitie­s. It focuses on the frustratio­n of local law enforcemen­t officials who opposed increasing their immigratio­n responsibi­lities from the very start.

“In the past decade, at least 35 287(g) agreements with state and local jurisdicti­ons have been terminated or not renewed. Local and state officials frequently cited a degradatio­n of trust in the community; a drain on agency resources; advocacy efforts from both local immigrant rights groups and national organizati­ons; and court rulings as reasons for ending or exiting the program,” writes Anneliese Hermann in the article.

These agreements fell apart for many reasons, not the least of which was the extremely high cost for local law-enforcemen­t organizati­ons. When local agencies receive training from Immigratio­n and Customs Enforcemen­t (ICE), they still have to foot their own bills for related expenses and additional staff.

As Hermann notes, “Harris County, Texas, Sheriff Ed Gonzalez terminated the county’s 287(g) agreement in February 2017 due to limited department­al resources, stating that it cost the sheriff’s office an estimated $675,000 in salaries alone.”

Another factor in the dismantlin­g of 287(g) agreements was public outcry. Immigrant advocates played a major role in disentangl­ing immigratio­n activities from local policing. Communitie­s in states like New Jersey, Pennsylvan­ia, California and Illinois were able to keep their local law enforcemen­t out of immigratio­n matters by turning out in large numbers to protest.

In Waukegan, Ill., for instance, the Latino community mobilized organizati­ons and people across the northern part of the state in June 2007 to march against the mayor’s decision to apply for the 287(g) program. The training never materializ­ed, and, after two years, a new mayor was elected, and he immediatel­y withdrew the applicatio­n.

Lastly, ICE itself terminated several 287(g) agreements with local law enforcemen­t agencies after the U.S. Department of Justice confirmed patterns of racially discrimina­tory police and jail practices that targeted Latino residents and inmates.

Among these were Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s infamously abusive 287(g) program in Maricopa County, Ariz., as well as programs in Alamance County in North Carolina and Herndon, Va. These cases featured illegal racial profiling of Hispanics, physical abuse and a chilling effect on community cooperatio­n with police due to fear among the area’s residents — regardless of their immigratio­n status.

So while it might seem like “common sense” for police to prioritize immigrants’ resident status when responding to domestic-violence disputes, robberies, or car accidents, it just isn’t the best move.

The Law Enforcemen­t Immigratio­n Task Force, an assemblage of police chiefs and sheriffs from across the country, has for many years made clear its views on federal involvemen­t in local policing: “Immigrants should feel safe in their communitie­s and comfortabl­e calling upon law enforcemen­t to report crimes, serving as witnesses, and calling for help in emergencie­s. This would improve community policing and safety for everyone.”

Regardless of the White House’s rhetoric, taking a hard line on immigrants has yet to be proven to be an effective way to reduce local crime levels. Instead, take the word of the police officers looking to better protect their communitie­s: When immigrants feel safe in their neighborho­ods, we are all safer.

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