Albuquerque Journal

Trump has chance to switch role from bad cop to good cop

- Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institutio­n, Stanford University; e-mail: authorvdh@gmail.com. VICTOR DAVIS HANSON Columnist

During his first 15 months as president, Donald Trump has postured as the bad cop. He railed about NATO members reneging on their promised contributi­ons to the alliance. Trump rhetorical­ly reduced North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to “short and fat” and “rocket man.” He ordered the dropping of a huge bomb on the Taliban and twice hit Syrian chemical weapons sites. He talked of trade wars and hitting back at China.

Through all the bombast and followups, Trump’s supposedly more sober and judicious appointees — especially former National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster and former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, along with Defense Secretary James Mattis — played good cops against the outnumbere­d lone-wolf Trump.

This script was well known from the days of Richard Nixon and his national security adviser and then secretary of state, Henry Kissinger. Nixon often postured as if he were eager to bomb the North Vietnamese to smithereen­s, to go to Dr. Strangelov­e levels to stand down the Soviets, or to unleash Israel to do whatever it took to defeat its enemies.

Then Kissinger was sent over to reassure both troubled allies and tense enemies. He pleaded for modest concession­s to ward off what might be far worse. He confided to leaders that Nixon was a madman who terrified Kissinger as much as he did the world abroad.

The net effect was to gain compromise­s and advantages that otherwise would have been impossible.

Remember how in the old cop movies, arrested suspects were worn out and scared by unpredicta­ble and brutal police interrogat­ors? Once softened up, they were then handed over to make their confession­s to a new shift of kindly detectives who brought out the good-cop gifts of cigarettes, coffee and donuts while they badmouthed their colleagues’ harsh interrogat­ion methods.

No one knows whether these simplistic stereotype­s are even half true in the Trump administra­tion. But what is certain is that new Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and National Security Adviser John Bolton, along with strengthen­ed U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, are more likely to question the status quo and to take some risks in restoring U.S. strategic deterrence.

Will Trump now reverse roles and become the good cop?

Instead of worrying the Europeans, frightenin­g the North Koreans, and assailing the Russians and Chinese, will he more calmly express his fears that he can scarcely control the righteous anger of his new foreign policy team?

There might be lots of advantages for a new good-cop Trump, compared with his past bad-cop role.

First, playing the skeptic with foreign interventi­ons puts him more in tune with his swing-state, blue-collar supporters. Remember that Trump ran on avoiding entangling overseas interventi­ons. Now, he can emphasize that role as he winks and nods to Pompeo, Bolton and Haley to ratchet up the pressure as he publicly tries to calm them down.

Second, Trump’s art-of-the-deal style has been to play the mediator who claims that there must be some way to find common ground between two adversarie­s. As a good cop, he can say to the Chinese, North Koreans, Iranians and others, “Let’s make a deal so I don’t have to call in the tough guys, who are starting to scare me as much as they scare you.”

Third, Trump has a special affinity for Mattis. But in the past, Mattis was stereotype­d as a good cop trying to talk Trump out of straight-arming NATO allies or walking away from past U.S. deals. Now, however, Trump can join Mattis in a good cop role, as the two pose abroad as unified voices of caution who want agreements rather than confrontat­ions.

Even in role-playing, it is wise to have Mattis and Trump on the same side. One reason Trump has a special affinity for Mattis is that his caution and reluctance to intervene abroad fit Trump’s own campaign sloganeeri­ng.

There was always a paradox with Trump’s Jacksonian foreign policy. How was he to restore deterrence abroad without another costly interventi­on? How does he bomb the Islamic State into oblivion without worrying about the innocent refugees living among the ashes and an eventual return of IS infiltrato­rs?

Trump now can outsource his lone-wolf hawkishnes­s to new hard-liners Bolton and Pompeo, and remind enemies that his art-of-the-deal comprising is their last chance at an agreement.

In sum, the tough reputation­s of the highly regarded Pompeo and Bolton now allow Trump to be what he always was — a dealmaker.

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