Albuquerque Journal

A thank you note to a president known for them

- E. J. DIONNE Columnist Twitter: @EJDionne. (c) 2018, Washington Post Writers Group.

George H.W. Bush was legendary for his thank you notes. He wrote thousands of them, expressing appreciati­on for kindnesses large and small. When it came to his gratitude, no one was left behind.

In light of the consequent­ial life Bush lived, lifting up this habit might seem to accentuate the trivial. After all, he served bravely in one war and, as president, led his country to victory in another. What’s the big deal about thank you notes that are politicall­y shrewd and reflect the old-fashioned habits of a well-bred patrician?

In fact, those missives of appreciati­on spoke to qualities that were fundamenta­l to the 41st president of the United States. He was a much shrewder and tougher politician than we remember. He was a patrician, but of a very particular sort, a throwback to a time when elites felt a profound sense of public obligation. Being well-born entailed a commitment to duty and a requiremen­t to live up to certain expectatio­ns.

And if his privilege gave him good reason to be a sunny optimist, he shared his cheerfulne­ss with others. Not for him a habit all too common among the wealthy these days of expressing irritation and resentment when others fail to see them as exemplars of greatness and virtue.

For all these reasons, Bush represente­d a very different kind of Republican­ism. He was a Burkean conservati­ve who saw change and reform as necessary to the work of conserving what he believed to be a fundamenta­lly good society. A fierce partisan when necessary, he refused to see cooperatio­n with political adversarie­s as a form of ideologica­l treason. As a product of the World War II generation, he did not dismiss government as merely a necessary evil.

His two main domestic achievemen­ts as president, a new Clean Air Act and the Americans with Disabiliti­es Act, were broadly progressiv­e, and they passed with Democratic support.

He cared about deficits in fact and not just in his rhetoric. So he was willing to violate his politicall­y opportunis­tic 1988 “No new taxes” pledge to get a responsibl­e budget deal two years later.

Conservati­ves never forgave him, although his tax increase was smaller than the one Ronald Reagan signed. Conservati­ves were willing to forgive their hero almost anything; if the Gipper agreed to raise taxes, it must have been because he had no choice. The right never gave Bush any benefits of the doubt.

And it’s worth rememberin­g that when Bush asked Congress to approve the military campaign to reverse Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, he did not seek a war vote during the run-up to the 1990 midterm elections. He waited until afterward, thus keeping the war decision out of electoral politics. He showed both resolve and restraint, resisting calls to send American troops into Iraq after Kuwait was freed from Saddam’s grip. It was a much-contested choice that looks better and better in retrospect.

Bush was no saint — but saints don’t win elections. His 1988 campaign against Democrat Michael Dukakis, then the Massachuse­tts governor, carried a taint of racism.

He attacked a Dukakis administra­tion prison furlough program, which was a legitimate thing to do. But the criticism was linked to the release of Willie Horton, an African-American and convicted murderer who raped a white woman and stabbed her husband while on a weekend furlough. Years later, when Bush’s wily, engaging but also often ruthless campaign manager, Lee Atwater, was facing death from cancer, he apologized for having said he would “make Willie Horton (Dukakis’) running mate.”

Bush always seemed to see campaignin­g as the unpleasant prelude to the noble work of governing. If a willingnes­s to separate politics from governing was often a Bush strength, it could also be a weakness.

Nonetheles­s, our country would be better if elites were as public-spirited as Bush was and if conservati­sm reflected his Eisenhower style of balancing capitalism with public action, striving with compassion.

One day, many years ago, I found myself talking back to the television set in a rather partisan way — for what, I can’t remember. I called my children over to say I didn’t approve of what I had just done and that it was not good that our politics had become so divisive.

And I told them of a president I had voted against, but admired enormously for his stewardshi­p of foreign policy and his basic decency. I hoped for a time when we did not have to become angry or fearful when the other side won an election. The man I was talking about was George H.W. Bush.

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