Albuquerque Journal

Let’s reform parole and probation while we’re at it

- BY DAVID MUHAMMAD AND VINCENT SCHIRALDI LOS ANGELES TIMES

As protesters around the country demand a long overdue examinatio­n of policing, we must not overlook the hidden law enforcemen­t army of parole and probation officers surveillin­g poor, Black and brown people every day.

These officers exercise enormous control over the lives of people under their supervisio­n. And they do so with little oversight or accountabi­lity to policymake­rs or the public.

Their decisions affect the lives of more than 4.5 million people placed on probation or parole — also called community supervisio­n — in the U.S., twice the number of people in prison and jail in this country. For people under supervisio­n, one missed appointmen­t, one curfew violation, one failed drug urine test or even an accusation of violating a parole or probation rule could result in being reincarcer­ated, in some cases without even a hearing.

Any overhaul to policing in this watershed moment must also be applied to transformi­ng community supervisio­n, which in many places has become a punitive driver of mass incarcerat­ion, especially for people of color. In fact, 25% of state prison admissions nationwide are people entering prison because of technical violations of probation or parole rules.

Community supervisio­n, like policing, is not meted out equally. At its peak in 2007, one in 12 Black men was on probation in the U.S. Various studies on disparitie­s in technical violations have found that Black people are more likely to be charged with violations — ranging from 50% to 200% — than white people, even when controllin­g for other factors. Recent research by the Columbia Justice Lab found that Black and Latinx people were incarcerat­ed in New York City’s Rikers Island jail complex on technical parole violations at 12 and four times the rate of white people respective­ly.

Traditiona­lly, there have been fewer checks on probation and parole enforcemen­t because they were establishe­d with more benign intent. But when the goal of rehabilita­tion for incarcerat­ed people was largely declared dead in the mid-1970s, probation and parole took a sharp turn toward surveillan­ce and punishment.

It is hard to overstate how small an infraction can be to cause catastroph­ic consequenc­es for the individual. Michael Tyson and Raymond Rivera, both men of color, were incarcerat­ed at New York City’s notorious Rikers Island jail complex while awaiting hearings for technical parole violations — specifical­ly, missing appointmen­ts and leaving a drug program without permission. This became a death sentence for Tyson and Rivera, who were the first two people incarcerat­ed at Rikers to die of COVID-19.

Last year, the Council of State Government­s reported that people admitted to state prisons for technical violations were incarcerat­ed at a cost of $2.8 billion. Yet this kind of supervisio­n and incarcerat­ion for minor rule violations has not been shown to divert people from incarcerat­ion or reduce recidivism — its two central goals.

In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed to trim the time people can serve on parole to two years and Los Angeles Assemblyme­mber Sydney Kamlager-Dove similarly proposed reducing probation terms to two years.

In New York, Sen. Brian Benjamin and Assemblyme­mber Walter Mosley are coauthors of the Less Is More Act to reduce parole supervisio­n terms. It would cut back on the types of rule violations for which one can be incarcerat­ed and dramatical­ly reduce the amount of prison time for technical violations. These proposals are a good start to what should become nationwide efforts to reduce unnecessar­y supervisio­n and eventually eliminate incarcerat­ion for noncrimina­l violations.

Of course, we should reform policing, reducing its size and making it more accountabl­e. But let’s also get probation and parole off of the backs of communitie­s of color and allow people to turn their lives around without imprisonin­g them for violations that do nothing to improve public safety.

David Muhammad is a former chief probation officer of Alameda County and executive director of the National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform. Vincent Schiraldi is a former commission­er of New York City Probation and co-director of the Columbia Justice Lab.

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