Albuquerque Journal

In order to judge monuments, we must think about their meaning

- BY DOYLE MCMANUS

WASHINGTON — At Gettysburg, where the bloodiest and most decisive battle of the Civil War occurred, no fewer than 1,320 monuments are scattered across the rolling Pennsylvan­ia landscape. Some memorializ­e Union generals and their men; others remember Confederat­es.

One is especially poignant: the Maryland monument, which lists both Union and Confederat­e units from one divided state. It depicts two wounded men, one from each army, propping each other up.

There’s a statue of Confederat­e Gen. Robert E. Lee surveying the battlefiel­d on horseback and another of the Union commander, Gen. George G. Meade.

The Union monuments outnumber those of the Confederat­es, just as their armies did in 1863.

It’s an open-air museum and it leaves no doubt which side won: the North.

Almost 200 miles to the south, in Richmond, Virginia, Civil War statues were erected to convey a very different message.

Monument Avenue is the Virginia capital’s grandest boulevard. Until recently, it was dominated by heroic statues of Lee, Stonewall Jackson, Confederat­e President Jefferson Davis and others.

They are the men who lost the war — but, on Monument Avenue, they appeared triumphant.

That was the point. Richmond’s statues were erected more than a generation after the war ended, after white segregatio­nists regained control of the Southern states.

“The message (was) a victory narrative about the overturnin­g of Reconstruc­tion and the reestablis­hment of white supremacy,” Yale historian David W. Blight, the biographer of Frederick Douglass, wrote last week.

Now, the Richmond statues are coming down. Protesters toppled Davis on June 10, the city removed Jackson and the governor is battling in court to remove Lee.

Their removal is long overdue. By contrast, Lee’s statue in Gettysburg should remain standing because its meaning is so different.

In Richmond, Lee appears dominant, his presence designed to intimidate. At Gettysburg, outnumbere­d by federal troops and about to lose the most important battle of his career, he appears in a more appropriat­e context — as history, not mythology.

The distinctio­n is not only whom the statue shows, but what message it conveys.

Monuments to George Washington and Thomas Jefferson celebrate their wisdom in founding the republic, not their flaws, chief among them their ownership of slaves. We honor them despite those flaws, not because of them.

Statues of Christophe­r Columbus pose a tougher question. Are we honoring him for his intrepid navigating or because he opened the Americas to European colonizati­on?

The good news about this summer’s protests is that they’ve forced us to confront our history more squarely — not merely the mythologiz­ed version most of us received.

Case in point: Army bases. Until last month, how many of us knew that 10 U.S. Army bases in the South were named for Confederat­e officers who fought against the United States? The names were usually given to placate white politician­s.

The strangest is Fort Bragg, North Carolina, named for Braxton Bragg, perhaps the least competent general in Lee’s army. One of his officers called him “cruel, yet without courage … crafty, yet without strategy.” He resigned his commission after losing the battle of Chattanoog­a.

Defense Secretary Mark Esper says he’s open to changes, but President Trump has declared the Army bases’ names a matter of high principle. The only principle involved is his relentless drive to nail down his conservati­ve base by pushing a culture war against Black Lives Matter.

The president waded back into the battle at Mt. Rushmore last week, charging spuriously that protesters against racism “are determined to tear down every statue, symbol and memory of our heritage.”

This argument has a long way to go. Since the death of George Floyd, 22 Confederat­e statues have come down — but 748 are still standing, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center.

And most of the public agrees with the protesters, not with the president. A Quinnipiac University poll last month found that a small majority, 52%, think the statues should come down — a notable change in public opinion.

The protests have not only started useful conversati­ons, but also they appear to be building a new national majority in favor of change.

Those Confederat­e generals should be hoisted off their pedestals and put where they belong: in a museum or on a battlefiel­d, not in a position of honor.

 ?? STEVE HELBER/ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? A statue of Confederat­e General Robert E. Lee stands in Richmond, Va. Vestiges of the Civil War and segregatio­n are coming down as part of a national reckoning on white supremacy.
STEVE HELBER/ASSOCIATED PRESS A statue of Confederat­e General Robert E. Lee stands in Richmond, Va. Vestiges of the Civil War and segregatio­n are coming down as part of a national reckoning on white supremacy.

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