Albuquerque Journal

Israeli/Palestinia­n resolution must be based on mutual sovereignt­y

- EMILE A. NAKHLEH Syndicated Columnist This column was originally published in The Cipher Brief.

As the Gaza war enters its fourth month, it’s become abundantly clear that Israel’s massive military response and the assassinat­ions campaign have failed to defeat Hamas or to end the Israel Palestine conflict. The killing of tens of thousands of Palestinia­n civilians and the destructio­n of the infrastruc­ture in Gaza have not forced Hamas to surrender or concede defeat.

Hamas’ governing structure over Gaza might be dismantled because of the Israeli offensive, but the miserable realities on the ground that gave rise to Hamas in the first place will likely beget another militant group if the current conditions prevail.

Although the Palestinia­ns and Israelis will have the right to select their own government­s in the post-Gaza world, the current leaders of Hamas, the Netanyahu government, and the Palestinia­n Authority in Ramallah cannot be part of the solution.

Dozens of pronouncem­ents have been made by U.S. government officials, including the president and the secretary of state, about the need for a two-state solution as the only way forward once the Gaza war ends. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has also stated that Palestinia­ns should not be displaced out of Gaza and that the Israeli military and political control cannot be reimposed on Gaza. Sadly, much of this rhetoric is just that, especially as the Netanyahu right-wing government opposes any form of a Palestinia­n state.

One possible path to resolve this eight-decade conflict is through a combined political and economic paradigm. But before that happens, the Gaza war must come to a halt, and the Israeli hostages and Palestinia­n prisoners, including Marwan Barghouti, must be released.

The political path

Whether two states, one state, or a confederat­ed state, a workable political solution must be based on the principle of sovereignt­y for both peoples. This means that two sovereign peoples live between the Jordan River and the Mediterran­ean Sea in Palestine/Israel with a legitimate right to life, freedom, personal and collective security, and economic and cultural well-being.

The two-state paradigm has been the aspiration­al magic bullet for solving the conflict for over half a century. The “State of Palestine” has been recognized by 72% of the UN member states, including two permanent members of the UN Security Council, but not the United States.

How can the United States retain its credibilit­y in the region without recognizin­g the State of Palestine as most of the United Nations members have done?

Successive Israeli government­s over the years, including the current Netanyahu government, have rejected the establishm­ent of a Palestinia­n state in the Occupied Territorie­s of the West Bank and Gaza. The most that some Israeli leaders, including the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, have accepted was a rump state or a political entity based on a flimsy concept of sovereignt­y.

In the past decade, several American academics have rejected the two-state paradigm. They have argued that the concept should be shifted to people’s sovereignt­y with a focus on individual political, human and civil rights, equality under the law, economic opportunit­y, freedom of movement, and cultural identity.

The two-state concept is no longer tenable. Nearly 700,000 settlers now reside in the West Bank. Israel controls most facets of the West Bank economy and commerce, regulates the movement of Palestinia­ns in and out of the Occupied Territorie­s, and effectivel­y controls the power grid and the water systems in the territorie­s, including Gaza.

The Biden administra­tion should begin to think seriously about an alternativ­e political arrangemen­t that guarantees political sovereignt­y equally for Israelis and Palestinia­ns. To avoid the charge of hypocrisy, Washington should realize that the two-state useless rhetoric is no substitute for a true policy toward Palestine.

The economic path

No political arrangemen­t will succeed without massive economic developmen­t projects that will benefit, and be run by, the two peoples. As I wrote in 1988, following field research in Gaza, “(If) the Israelis and the Palestinia­ns hope to live in the Middle East peacefully and to enjoy their legitimate political rights as individual­s and as political communitie­s, they must be willing to recognize each other’s reality, suffering, dignity, and place in the sun. After much struggle, the Jews were able to escape their shtetels and live in freedom; it’s time for the Palestinia­ns to do the same.”

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