Antelope Valley Press

Antitrust craze would unplug technologi­cal progress

- Veronique de Rugy Veronique de Rugy is the George Gibbs Chair in Political Economy and a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

Always beware of the name given to a piece of legislatio­n. It rarely describes accurately the likely impact of enacting a bill. In fact, statutes often do the opposite of what their names suggest.

Take Sen. Amy Klobuchar’s, D-Minn., proposed legislatio­n named the American Innovation and Choice Online Act. While everyone likes more choice and innovation, this bill would hinder both as it imposes high costs on consumers. In fact, a more apt name for Klobuchar’s bill would be the Anti-Consumer and Stagnation Act of 2022.

Born out of the recent eagerness to expand antitrust regulation, the bill would empower government bureaucrat­s at the Federal Trade Commission and the Department of Justice to bridle the economy’s thriving technology sector with regulation­s and mandates aimed at making “big” companies smaller regardless of how well a “big” firm is serving consumers. The economics of this idea are all wrong.

The targets of these legislativ­e efforts are some of the most successful companies in our nation’s history, including Apple, Google, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft.

Klobuchar and company want to break these entreprene­urial successes into smaller companies, all without regard to the benefits consumers reap from vertical integratio­n.

Vertical integratio­n is when a company owns multiples stages of production. In competing for customers, firms buy — or sell — different stages to achieve maximum possible efficienci­es. To put this reality into perspectiv­e, popular services such as Amazon Prime and Google Maps are products of vertical integratio­n and would be prohibited under the new legislatio­n.

Let’s look at some fundamenta­ls. Nobel-laureate economist F.A. Hayek insightful­ly observed that “economic planning, regulation, and interventi­on pave the way to totalitari­anism by building a power structure that will inevitably be seized by the most power-hungry and unscrupulo­us.”

Granting unelected bureaucrat­s expanded powers over the companies that drive economic growth is economical­ly and politicall­y dangerous. The risk is simply too great that government will abuse this power by compelling companies to bow to the whims of organized interest groups, including the administra­tive state itself.

The subsequent suppressio­n of decision-making based on profit and loss will result in inefficien­cy and stagnation.

You don’t have to believe that the market produces perfect outcomes to understand that government can rarely outperform private enterprise. Political decisions aren’t driven by any market signals, profit motive or consumer preference­s. These decisions are inherently political, suffer from a serious knowledge problem and are mostly untied to any accountabi­lity regimes when they fail.

Government often proves to be biased against large, successful companies who provide new technology that legislator­s often don’t understand well but consumers love. This is why government so often fails, and this policy is no exception.

Active antitrust interventi­on has support from elements of both parties, but for all the wrong reasons. Progressiv­es push for interventi­on out of sheer distaste for free markets, generating an instinctiv­e itch to subject companies to the power of government rather than to consumer preference­s.

Some nationalis­t conservati­ves, in contrast, are angry with a perceived discrimina­tion by “Big Tech” against conservati­ves. These conservati­ves misinterpr­et their anger as sufficient reason to lash out at successful tech companies. Any elected official who favors small government and respects free markets should staunchly resist these ideas.

The cost to consumers from this bill would be devastatin­g. An October 2021 study by NERA Economic Consulting estimates that such a proposal will cost consumers $300 billion because it subjects “online platforms and marketplac­es to common carrier, structural separation, and line of business restrictio­ns.”

It’s bad economic policy to empower federal bureaucrat­s to second-guess the market-tested decision-making processes of some of the most successful companies in history. Some in Congress are standing up to both parties by resisting their colleagues’ temptation to second guess private-sector entreprene­urs.

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., wrote at Fox News that “these proposals to ostensibly cut the tech giants down to size would, instead, perpetuate the dominant position of these companies and deprive consumers of the technologi­cal innovation that only free-market competitio­n can provide.”

Paul explained how the benefits of vertical integratio­n and that of “win-win” competitio­n allow companies to grow large if — and only if — a company “continuous­ly rewards its consumers with superior products and innovation­s.”

In fact, it is the lack of heavy-handed regulation in the US tech sector that has resulted in unpreceden­ted economic growth and higher standards of living for nearly all of us. We should be suspicious of those in Congress who claim they can do better by destroying what works well.

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