Antelope Valley Press

The alarming implicatio­ns of Trump’s claims of immunity

- Jacob Sullum Commentary Jacob Sullum is a senior editor at Reason magazine.

When Congress impeaches and removes a federal official, the Constituti­on says, “the party convicted shall neverthele­ss be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law.” While you might think that clause means impeachmen­t and removal do not preclude criminal prosecutio­n, former President Donald Trump’s lawyers say it means a former president can be prosecuted for abusing his powers only after he is impeached and removed.

That is the improbable crux of the argument the US Supreme Court is considerin­g this week in the federal case that charges Trump with illegally trying to remain in office after he lost the 2020 presidenti­al election. If the court accepts Trump’s claim that he “enjoys absolute immunity from criminal prosecutio­n for his official acts,” it will be endorsing the propositio­n that presidents can escape accountabi­lity for crimes, no matter how egregious, provided they avoid conviction in the Senate based on the same conduct.

One way for a president to forestall that result is to commit crimes toward the end of his term in office. Trump, for example, was impeached for inciting the 2021 Capitol riot, but he was no longer president by the time the Senate weighed the case against him.

Many Republican­s — including Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), who had castigated Trump for his reckless behavior before and during the riot — argued that it was not proper for the Senate to try a former president. Explaining his vote to acquit Trump, McConnell noted that the former president could still be held civilly or criminally liable for his role in the violent assault that interrupte­d congressio­nal ratificati­on of President Joe Biden’s victory.

“We have a criminal justice system in this country,” McConnell said. “We have civil litigation. And former presidents are not immune from being held accountabl­e by either one.”

Trump’s lawyers say McConnell was wrong about that. Their argument also implies that Richard Nixon was wrong to worry he might face criminal prosecutio­n after resigning from office amid the Watergate scandal.

Nixon resigned after articles of impeachmen­t were proposed but before the House voted on them. By Trump’s reasoning, he was free and clear of criminal liability at that point. Yet Gerald Ford, Nixon’s successor, granted him a pardon “for all offenses against the United States” he may have committed as president, and Nixon accepted that pardon.

According to Trump, a president can avoid prosecutio­n by leaving office before the Senate can convict him or by hiding his crimes well enough that they are not discovered until after he leaves office. And since the impeachmen­t judgment clause is not limited to presidents, it would seem, so could “all civil officers of the United States,” contrary to the historical practice of prosecutin­g former federal officials who were never impeached.

Although there is no textual basis for treating former presidents differentl­y in this respect, Trump argues that protection of executive power demands special leniency for them. Otherwise, he warns, the threat of frivolous, politicall­y motivated prosecutio­ns would have a paralyzing impact on presidenti­al decisions.

As Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s legally dubious case against Trump shows, that threat is not entirely fanciful. Yet presidents have managed to do their jobs for many years despite this risk, underminin­g Trump’s claim that “a denial of criminal immunity would incapacita­te every future President.”

A federal judge and a unanimous appeals court panel already have rejected Trump’s immunity claim. During oral arguments in January, DC Circuit Judge Florence Pan explored the implicatio­ns of that claim by asking whether a president who “ordered SEAL Team Six to assassinat­e a political rival” but “was not impeached” could be prosecuted for that crime.

According to Trump’s position, the answer was clearly no: If that hypothetic­al president resigned immediatel­y after the assassinat­ion order came to light, for instance, he could literally get away with murder. When a legal argument yields results as alarming as that, there is probably something wrong with its premises.

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