Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Serfdom back in Russia

- LEONID BERSHIDSKY Leonid Bershidsky, a Bloomberg contributo­r, is a Berlin-based writer.

If the U.S. and Europe ever get serious about finding and freezing the assets of sanctioned Russian oligarchs, they should keep in mind that it will be ordinary Russians who might be forced to pay the price.

This week, Russia’s rubber-stamp parliament will consider, and probably pass, a bill that envisions government compensati­on for Russians’ seized overseas assets.

The backing of United Russia and the government usually makes a bill a shoo-in. The legislatur­e will consider it on Oct. 7, Putin’s 62nd birthday.

Once it is passed, billionair­e Arkady Rotenberg, whose four villas and luxury hotel were sealed by the Italian authoritie­s last week, will be able to file suit in a Russian court seeking reimbursem­ent from the finance ministry. If the court rules the foreign asset freeze illegal, the Russian government will pay out the value of the property.

Considerin­g the provenance of Putin’s sanctioned friends’ fortunes, made mostly on vastly inflated government contracts, Russian taxpayers have already paid for their villas, hotels and luxury condos. Now they will have to pay a second time: European countries and the U.S. probably have much less government property in Russia than the Putin cronies have foreign assets. The Russian government, however, doesn’t really consider ordinary citizens as taxpayers, as political commentato­r Stanislav Belkovsky recently pointed out.

“Our government is its own taxpayer,” he wrote. “It sells oil, gas and other minerals, and it distribute­s the proceeds to the population according to how valuable they are within the current system of power.”

Russians, who have acquiesced in Putin’s external aggression and intoleranc­e of internal dissent, are no more than serfs, expected to accept whatever their lord tells them in the name of the all-powerful state.

A prominent member of the Putin elite, Constituti­onal Court Chairman Valery Zorkin, recently suggested in the government-owned Rossiyskay­a Gazeta that the abrupt abolition of serfdom in 1861 may have been a mistake. “Despite all its drawbacks, serfdom was the brace holding together the nation’s internal unity,” he wrote. “It was no accident that, according to historians, the peasants told their former masters after the reform: ‘We were yours and you were ours.’ ”

Zorkin’s historical rumination­s are no accident. Before Russia annexed Crimea and became a de facto pariah state, membership in the internatio­nal community restrained the Putin elite, forcing it to show at least superficia­l respect for human dignity. Now it’s no longer necessary, and Russian citizens are being openly treated as property of the state. The government has already confiscate­d part of their pension savings to finance Crimea and is now about to scrap the $10,800 subsidy paid out to mothers who give birth to a second or third child.

There will be no mass protests because, though Russians once again belong to a master, they feel he belongs to them.

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