Words to fare well by
Every Fourth of July, I encourage readers, friends and colleagues to re- read the Declaration of Independence from 1776. Similarly, every 22nd of February is a good time to re- read George Washington’s Farewell Address, written and published 20 years after the Declaration.
Since 1896, the address has been recited on the Senate floor annually on or around Washington’s birthday. On Monday the tradition will continue.
At more than 7,000 words penned in the King’s English of the era, it is a truly timeless document. Its proclamations of fundamental truths are derived from Washington’s luminous and legendary 45- year public, political and military career.
The opening was practical: he announced that he would not seek or accept a third term as president. As a parting friend with “no personal motive to bias his counsel,” Washington said he felt urged “to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all- important to the permanency of your felicity as a people.”
His first theme was that of national unity and praise for the Constitution under which he had served as first president.
“This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment,” he wrote, “has a just claim to your confidence and your support.”
But he also warned against the powers of faction and party— a “small but artful and enterprising minority of the community,” he called them— to subvert and obstruct constitutional principles. The party spirit, he said, “agitates the community with ill- founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.” Wow. The General nailed it. Citing the prudence of our Constitution’s checks and balances, he also foresaw branches encroaching on each other, and advised fidelity to its processes: “[ L] et it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.”
The italics are mine; Washington realized that “transient benefit” would be a false rallying flag used to justify usurping constitutional fidelity.
He only used the word “indispensable” ( definition: absolutely necessary) three times to describe prevailing national characteristics requisite for the “permanency” of our union. The first was collective unity as a national entity, and the second was maintaining balance between government vigor and preservation of liberty.
The third mention is less popular in our more secularized society, zealots of which like to perpetuate the myth of Washington as a deist, rather than a church leader in his local congregation, to serve their own anti- religious ends.
His words are uncompromisingly plainspoken: “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.” No man could “claim the tribute of patriotism” who would weaken or subvert “these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens,” he wrote.
It would be folly to suppose that morality can be maintained without religion, he said. “[ R] eason and experience,” he wrote, “both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”
The Father of our Country can also be considered the Father of Education, as he urged promotion of “institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge” as an object of primary importance. “In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion,” he said, “it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.”
Some of the more familiar passages from his Farewell Address refer to his advice on fiscal and foreign relations matters. He suggested that we “cherish public credit” as a source of strength and security, but also avoid burdening posterity with contemporary debt. The people have a realistic understanding to facilitate their representatives’ performance in budget management, he insisted.
“[ Y] ou should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes,” he wrote, “[ and] that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant.”
He devoted lengthy paragraphs to foreign relations, recommending neutrality as an international philosophy and policy, since other nations rarely had primary interests in line with our own. The great rule of conduct in extending commercial relations to foreign countries was “to have with them as little political connection as possible.”
Washington is the only commanderin- chief to actually lead troops in battle during his presidency, and his humility as a servant founder pervaded his closing paragraphs.
“In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend,” he hoped “… that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good … for the solicitude for your welfare …”