Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Helping the Republic

- BRET STEPHENS THE NEW YORK TIMES Bret Stephens is a New York Times columnist.

The question in the title of Timothy Egan’s

latest column for the New York Times is “Who Will Save the Republic?” My answer is Donald Trump, of course.

I mean this in the Anna Sebastian sense. Madame Sebastian being the shrewd, sinister and very Teutonic mother played by Leopoldine Konstantin in Alfred Hitchcock’s 1946 classic Notorious.

Anna’s adult son Alexander (Claude Rains) is part of a group of well-heeled Nazis living and scheming revenge in Brazil when he marries Alicia Huberman (Ingrid Bergman), a beautiful young woman he deems trustworth­y because her father was a convicted German spy.

Too late, Alexander realizes that Alicia is really a U.S. agent and that exposure of the fact will mean certain death for him at the hands of his fellow Nazis. When he confesses the problem to mother, she responds with the most reproachfu­l reassuranc­e in movie history:

“We are protected by the enormity of your stupidity—for a time.”

Just so with our 45th president. His views are often malevolent, and his conduct might ultimately prove criminal. But we, too, are protected, for a time, by the enormity of his stupidity.

So much was clear back in January when Trump dropped his refugee ban on the public, like a dunce trying to squash a snail by dropping a brick on it, only to have it land on his own foot.

There were constituti­onal ways by which the administra­tion might have made good on some of its obnoxious immigratio­n promises. Trump managed to alight on the unconstitu­tional ones. His loud embrace as a political candidate of a comprehens­ive Muslim ban sealed its fate in court once he was president.

Last week’s dismissal of James Comey as FBI director fits the pattern. I’m sure I’m not the first person to notice that a man whose signature line in showbiz was “You’re fired” turns out to be spectacula­rly incompeten­t even in this respect.

The president’s letter dismissing Comey revealed more about the president’s legal anxieties than it did about the director’s job performanc­e. It was announced before it was delivered. Its supposed rationale—Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein’s memo on Comey’s handling of the Hillary Clinton email case—could not withstand a cursory examinatio­n of Trump’s motives. It had the effect of rehabilita­ting Comey’s once-tarnished reputation while tarnishing Rosenstein’s once-sound one.

What was meant to quash an investigat­ion into the obscure tangle of Trump’s possible Russia connection­s is now certain to revive it. The Senate will be hard-pressed to confirm an FBI director who is an obvious political lackey. And anyone who takes the job will feel honor-bound to pursue the investigat­ion with maximum legal and bureaucrat­ic muscle.

This is how we save the Republic—one self-inflicted Trumpian political wound after another.

All the more so since Trump seems to be digging in. The president is now threatenin­g to cancel all live White House press briefings while issuing ill-concealed threats against the former director. On Friday he tweeted that “James Comey better hope there are no ‘tapes’ of our conversati­ons before he starts leaking to the press!”

Hang on: There could be tapes? Can someone please ask Bill Safire in heaven to drop in on Richard Nixon in purgatory so they can walk us through this one together? In corporate life, the usual practice when firing someone is either to say nothing or to say something nice, on the theory that the unlucky person is likelier to respond in kind. Trump has now given his former director the opportunit­y and incentive to do the opposite. Congressio­nal hearings, should they happen, will be fun.

What makes all this so much more astonishin­g is how unnecessar­y it is, at least from Trump’s point of view.

If the president has nothing to fear from a Russia investigat­ion, then why not let it run its course toward exoneratio­n or irrelevanc­e? If he does have something to fear, then Comey—distrusted by Republican­s and Democrats alike—would have been his ideal foil. Trump’s critics can now take heart that, no, we won’t soon be moving on from l’affaire russe.

Last week I asked an astute source with long experience in the intelligen­ce community if he suspects a smoking gun.

“I would guess there is something on paper or derived through witness questionin­g that has given the bureau an opening, assuming that Trump’s actions are in response to growing concern about the Russian probe,” he replied, while adding the caveat, “Since we’re talking about Trump, a rampantly insecure ego, such an assumption isn’t mandatory.”

I’d add another caveat: Incompeten­ce may protect us—but as Madame Sebastian knew, only for a while. The blunders may often be self-defeating, but not always. Trump is our president. The enormity of his stupidity, inescapabl­y, is also our own.

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