Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Obstacles to political realignmen­t

- CHARLES M. BLOW NEW YORK TIMES NEWS SERVICE

In highly anticipate­d Senate testimony on June 8, fired FBI Director James Comey delivered a stinging rebuke and strong indictment of Donald Trump as an abuser of power, twister of arms and, above all, a spewer of lies.

No fewer than five times did Comey accuse Trump of lying.

The White House’s response as issued from the mouth of spokeswoma­n Sarah Huckabee Sanders: “I can definitely say the president is not a liar, and I think it’s, frankly, insulting that question would be asked.”

No, you saying he’s not a liar is a lie, and it is the American people who are insulted.

Trump took to Twitter on the morning of June 9, writing: “Despite so many false statements and lies, total and complete vindicatio­n … and WOW, Comey is a leaker!” That too was a lie.

During a Rose Garden press conference that afternoon with the president of Romania, Trump answered the question of why he felt “complete vindicatio­n” by speaking in a hodgepodge of hashtags: “No collusion, no obstructio­n, he’s a leaker.”

If America is confronted with a hesaid/he-said standoff between Trump and Comey, the former having a documented history as a pathologic­al liar and the latter not, who one grants the benefit of the doubt to is easily answered: Comey.

And yet there was something many seemed to find unsatisfyi­ng about Comey’s testimony: There was no knockout blow. It wasn’t the penultimat­e moment that guaranteed impeachmen­t, but rather just another moment in what will likely be a plodding inquiry.

This becomes the critical and increasing­ly urgent question for many: Will Trump be impeached or indicted, and when? The anticipati­on has produced a throbbing anxiety. There is so much emotional investment in Trump’s removal that I fear it blinds people to the fact that it is a long shot and, in any case, a long way off.

As Adam Liptak wrote in May in the New York Times about special counsel Robert S. Mueller’s investigat­ion: “Would the Constituti­on allow Mr. Mueller to indict Mr. Trump if he finds evidence of criminal conduct? The prevailing view among most legal experts is no. They say the president is immune from prosecutio­n so long as he is in office.”

As to the point of impeachmen­t, the founders made this difficult on purpose. Only two U.S. presidents—Andrew Johnson and Bill Clinton—have ever been impeached by the House of Representa­tives. The Senate refused to convict in both cases, and both men remained in office.

Richard Nixon may well have been impeached, but resigned before the House could vote on his articles of impeachmen­t.

Yes, there is a first time for everything, and this may well be the first time that a president is impeached by the House and convicted by the Senate, or that a president is successful­ly indicted, but think hard about how remote that possibilit­y is.

At this moment both the House and Senate are led by Republican­s who show no inclinatio­n to hold Trump accountabl­e and who in fact are now making excuses for his aberrant behavior.

House Speaker Paul Ryan recently excused Trump’s highly inappropri­ate contacts with Comey, making the silly argument that Trump is “just new to this.”

Republican Sen. Susan Collins engaged in the outlandish speculatio­n that Comey had set the precedent for oneon-one meetings with Trump when Comey pulled Trump aside to discuss the salacious “pee-tape” dossier.

Sorry folks, ignorance—even the towering ignorance of Trump—is no excuse.

A damning report from Mueller could change Republican reticence, but such a report is likely quite far off. (Fifteen months passed from the time a special prosecutor was appointed in the Watergate investigat­ion and the time Nixon resigned.)

Unfortunat­ely, American expectatio­ns are tuned to a Netflix sensibilit­y in which we want to binge a complete season in a single sitting. A proper investigat­ion will not indulge our impatience.

The best bet is for Democrats to win a majority in the House in 2018, which is possible and maybe even likely, but winning a majority in the Senate that year is a much steeper climb—not impossible, but improbable.

I know well that the very real obstacles to removal injures the psyche of those worn thin by the relentless onslaught of awfulness erupting from this White House. I know well that impeachmen­t is one of the only rays of hope cutting through these dark times. I’m with you; I too crave some form of political comeuppanc­e.

But it’s important to face the very real possibilit­y that removal may not come, and if it does, it won’t come swiftly. And even a Trump impeachmen­t would leave America with a President Mike Pence, a nightmare of a different stripe but no less a nightmare.

In the end, the Resistance must be bigger than impeachmen­t; it must be about political realignmen­t. It must be built upon solid rock of principle and not hang solely on the slender hope of expulsion. This is a long game and will not come to an abrupt conclusion. Perseveran­ce must be the precept; lifelong commitment must be the motto.

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