Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Voters, not judges, decide

- ANTHONY MARCUM Anthony Marcum is a resident fellow at the R Street Institute. He wrote this for InsideSour­ces.com.

During the 2016 presidenti­al campaign, then-candidate Donald Trump acknowledg­ed that litigation was a “tactic” that had proven “successful” for him and his businesses over the years. A contempora­ry review of Trump’s legal filings concluded that before entering the White House, the president often turned to the courts “to distance himself from failures and to place responsibi­lity on others.”

Now after most media outlets have called the 2020 race for Joe Biden, the president is using the same litigation playbook that has served him well in the past. His legal team has filed a slew of lawsuits across the country, alleging a number of dubious allegation­s under the guise that the president did not lose re-election—fairly, at least.

But unlike the days of suing casino patrons and distancing himself from poor investment­s, Trump’s post-election suits have not served him well, and the current spree of litigation has made clear that judges are not eager to have their courtrooms contribute to political PR campaigns.

The Trump campaign’s legal bender has focused on some of the tightest state races, including Arizona, Georgia, Michigan and Pennsylvan­ia. Many of these legal disputes, though, would do little to change the ultimate result. In Arizona, for example, the Trump campaign alleged that a number of “overvotes”—instances where a voter selects more candidates than permitted—could “prove determinat­ive of the outcome of the election.” Days later, though, the campaign dropped the case, acknowledg­ing the state’s 191 potential “overvotes” could not overcome Biden’s 10,000-vote lead.

In other states, the campaign’s legal claims have been met with raised judicial eyebrows. Two days after the election, attorneys for the Trump campaign alleged that observers were barred from Pennsylvan­ia ballot counters, violating state law. But when Judge Paul Diamond— nominated by President George W. Bush—asked how many Republican observers were in the room, the president’s attorney conceded that it was “a non-zero number.”

“I’m sorry, then what’s your problem?” the judge replied. The suit was later dismissed.

Unfortunat­ely, the campaign’s playbook is fairly transparen­t. Despite a number of legal setbacks, the president’s team seems to believe they have a judicial ace up their sleeve. As one of Trump’s legal advisers recently told Fox Business, “We’re waiting for the United States Supreme Court—of which the president has nominated three justices—to step in and do something.”

Despite the Trump campaign’s wishful thinking, do not expect a Bush v. Gore redux. Unlike the 2000 campaign, where about 500 votes separated George W. Bush and Al Gore in Florida, the president is still behind by tens of thousands of votes in several contested states.

As we step back and consider the political lessons of this election, do not forget the courts. When pressed the most, the courts—across geography and ideology—allowed voters, rather than judges, to decide our election.

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