Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Georgia voting bills seen taking aim at Black churches’ role

- NICK CORASANITI AND JIM RUTENBERG

SAVANNAH, Ga. — Sundays are always special at St. Philip Monumental AME church. But in October, the pews are often more packed, the sermon a bit more urgent and the congregati­on more animated, and eager for what will follow: piling into church vans and buses — though some prefer to walk — and heading to the polls.

Voting after Sunday church services, known colloquial­ly as “souls to the polls,” is a tradition in Black communitie­s across the country, and Pastor Bernard Clarke, a minister since 1991, has marshaled the effort at St. Philip for five years. His sermons on those Sundays, he said, deliver a message of fellowship, responsibi­lity and reverence.

“It is an opportunit­y for us to show our voting rights privilege as well as to fulfill what we know that people have died for and people have fought for,” Clarke said.

Now, Georgia Republican­s are proposing new restrictio­ns on weekend voting that could severely curtail one of the Black church’s central roles in civic engagement and elections.

Stung by losses in the presidenti­al race and two Senate contests, the state party is moving quickly to push through these limits and a raft of other measures aimed directly at suppressin­g the Black turnout that helped Democrats prevail in the critical battlegrou­nd state.

“The only reason you have these bills is because they lost,” said Bishop Reginald Jackson, who oversees all 534 African Methodist Episcopal churches in Georgia. “What makes it even more troubling than that is there is no other way you can describe this other than racism, and we just need to call it what it is.”

The push for new restrictio­ns in Georgia comes amid a national effort by Republican-controlled state legislatur­es to impose harsh restrictio­ns on voting access in states like Iowa, Arizona and Texas.

The targeting of Sunday voting in new bills that are moving through Georgia’s Legislatur­e has stirred the most passionate reaction, with critics saying it recalls some of the racist voting laws from the state’s past.

“I can remember the first time I went to register,” said Diana Harvey Johnson, 74, a former state senator who lives in Savannah. “I went to the courthouse by myself and there was actually a Mason jar sitting on top of the counter. And the woman there asked me how many butter beans were in that jar,” suggesting that she needed to guess correctly in order to be allowed to register.

“I had a better chance of winning the Georgia lottery than guess how many butter beans,” Harvey Johnson continued. “But the fact that those kinds of disrespect­s and demoralizi­ng and dehumanizi­ng practices — poll taxes, lynchings, burning crosses and burning down houses and firing people and putting people in jail, just to keep them from voting — that is not that far away in history. But it looks like some people want to revisit that. And that is absolutely unacceptab­le.”

The bill that passed the House would limit voting to, at most, one Sunday in October, but even that would be up to the discretion of the local registrar.

It would also severely cut early voting hours in total, limit voting by mail and greatly restrict the use of drop boxes — all measures that activists say would disproport­ionately affect Black voters.

A similar bill is awaiting a vote in the Senate. Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican, has indicated he supports new laws to “secure the vote,” but has not committed to all of the restrictio­ns.

Voting rights advocates say there is deep hypocrisy embedded in some of the new proposals.

It was Georgia Republican­s, they point out, who championed mail balloting in the early 2000s and automatic voting registrati­on just five years ago, only to say they need to be limited now that more Black voters have embraced them.

Historical­ly, churches provided Black congregant­s more than just transporta­tion or logistical help. Voting as a congregati­on also offered a form of haven from the intimidati­on and violence that often awaited Black voters at the polls.

State Rep. Barry Fleming, a Republican and chief sponsor of the House bill, did not respond to requests for comment, nor did three other Republican sponsors.

In introducin­g the bill, Republican­s in the Legislatur­e portrayed the new restrictio­ns as efforts to “secure the vote” and “restore confidence” in the electoral process, but offered no rationale beyond that and no credible evidence that it was flawed.

(Georgia’s election was pronounced secure by Republican electoral officials and reaffirmed by multiple audits and court decisions.)

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