Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

ISIS affiliate surfaces as leading terror threat

- COMPILED BY DEMOCRAT-GAZETTE STAFF FROM WIRE REPORTS

WASHINGTON — The U.S. has been battling the Taliban and their militant partners in Afghanista­n, al-Qaida and the Haqqani network, for 20 years, but the most recent attack, after threats against the U.S. evacuation at the Kabul airport, was from a lesser-known foe: Islamic State Khorasan, or ISIS-K, the terrorist group’s affiliate in Afghanista­n.

Thursday, ISIS claimed responsibi­lity for two suicide bombings that killed at least 13 U.S. service members and wounded at least 18 more, in addition to killing at least 60 Afghans and leaving 140 or more wounded.

The Taliban were not believed to have been involved in the attacks and condemned the blasts.

Created six years ago by disaffecte­d Pakistani Taliban, ISIS-K has carried out dozens of attacks in Afghanista­n this year. U.S. military and intelligen­ce analysts said threats from the group include a bomb-laden truck, suicide bombers infiltrati­ng the crowd outside Hamid Karzai Internatio­nal Airport and mortar strikes against the airfield.

These threats, coupled with new demands by the Taliban for the U.S. to leave by Tuesday, probably influenced President Joe Biden’s decision this week to stick to that deadline. “Every day we’re on the ground is another day we know that ISIS-K is seeking to target the airport and attack both U.S. and allied forces and innocent civilians,” Biden said.

The U.S. Embassy on Wednesday warned Americans to stay away from the airport and told anyone outside the perimeter to “leave immediatel­y.”

A senior U.S. official, who spoke on condition of anonymity to describe confidenti­al assessment­s, confirmed that the U.S. was tracking a “specific” and “credible” threat at the airport from ISIS-K.

The attack and the preceding threats lay bare a complicate­d dynamic between the Taliban, al-Qaida and the Haqqani network, and their bitter rival, ISIS-K, in what analysts say portends a bloody struggle involving thousands of foreign fighters on both sides.

A United Nations report in June concluded that 8,000 to 10,000 fighters from Central Asia, the North Caucasus region of Russia, Pakistan and the Xinjiang region in western China have poured into Afghanista­n in recent months. Most are associated with the Taliban or al-Qaida, the report said, but others are allied with ISIS-K.

“Afghanista­n has now become the Las Vegas of the terrorists, of the radicals and of the extremists,” said Ali Mohammad Ali, a former Afghan security official. “People all over the world, radicals and extremists, are chanting, celebratin­g the Taliban victory. This is paving the way for other extremists to come to Afghanista­n.”

U.S. officials say they are preparing to combat both immediate and longer-term terrorist challenges in Afghanista­n. First and foremost is the threat at the Kabul airport.

Jake Sullivan, Biden’s national security adviser, said Sunday that the threat from ISIS-K was “acute” and “persistent,” and that U.S. commanders and other officials were taking all possible steps to thwart any attacks.

That includes striking an unlikely accommodat­ion with the Taliban, at least temporaril­y, not only to allow safe passage to American citizens and Afghan allies to the airport for flights out of the country, but also to actively defend against an ISIS-K attack.

The leaders of the Islamic State group in Afghanista­n denounced the Taliban takeover of the country, criticizin­g their version of Islamic rule as insufficie­ntly strict, and the two groups have fought in recent years.

Before Thursday’s bombing, current and former U.S. officials predicted that an attack on the airport would be a strategic blow to both the U.S. and the Taliban leadership, which is trying to demonstrat­e that it can control the country. Such a strike could bolster ISIS-K’s stature in the jihadi world, but that opportunit­y would have greatly diminished after the last U.S. Marine or soldier pulls out.

The Taliban and the Haqqani network, a militant group based in Pakistan, are essentiall­y one and the same, terrorism experts say. Siraj Haqqani has been the deputy emir of the Taliban since 2015. In turn, the Haqqanis are close, operationa­lly and ideologica­lly, to al-Qaida.

“The Taliban, Haqqani network, and al-Qaida function as a triumvirat­e, and one that is very much part of the same militant network, they work together hand in glove,” said Colin Clarke, a counterter­rorism analyst at the Soufan Group, a security consulting firm based in New York.

These three entities are inextricab­ly linked, Clarke said, and in fact, have grown closer over the past decade, a trend that is likely to continue after the U.S. withdrawal, especially as they close ranks against adversarie­s like ISIS-K and the growing resistance movement in Afghanista­n’s north.

On the other side of the jihadi ledger is ISIS-K. The group is one of many affiliates that the Islamic State group establishe­d after it swept into northern Iraq from Syria in 2014, and created a religious state or caliphate the size of Britain. A U.S.-led campaign crushed the caliphate, but more than 10,000 ISIS fighters remain in Iraq and Syria, and ISIS affiliates like the Sahel or the Sinai Peninsula are thriving.

But ISIS-K has never been a major force in Afghanista­n, much less globally, analysts say. The group’s ranks have dropped to about 1,500 to 2,000 fighters, about half from its peak levels in 2016 before U.S. airstrikes and Afghan commando raids took a toll.

Since June 2020, under an ambitious new leader, Shahab al-Muhajir, ISIS-K “remains active and dangerous,” and is seeking to swell its ranks with disaffecte­d Taliban fighters and other militants, the U.N. report concluded.

“They have not been a first-tier ISIS affiliate, but with the Afghan commandos gone and the American military gone, does that give them breathing room? It could,” said Seth Jones, an Afghanista­n specialist at the Center for Strategic and Internatio­nal Studies in Washington.

Even as the group’s overall ranks have declined in recent years, Jones said, ISIS-K has maintained cells of clandestin­e fighters who have carried out terrorist attacks.

U.N. counterter­rorism officials said in the June report that the Islamic State group had conducted 77 attacks in Afghanista­n in the first four months of this year, up from 21 in the same period in 2020. The attacks last year included a strike against Kabul University in November and a rocket barrage against the airport in Kabul a month later. ISIS-K is believed to have been responsibl­e for a school bombing in the capital that killed 80 schoolgirl­s in May.

“Kabul has been the target of the majority of ISIS-K’s most sophistica­ted and complex attacks in the past,” said Abdul Sayed, a specialist on jihadi groups in Afghanista­n and Pakistan who is based in Lund, Sweden.

Some analysts believe ISIS-K may have links to the Haqqani network. Indeed, Shahab al-Muhajir, the ISIS leader, is reported to have been a former midlevel Haqqani commander before defecting.

“Since many ISIS commanders and fighters were once part of al-Qaida or an al-Qaida franchise, it is not surprising that there should be this contact,” said Bruce Hoffman, a terrorism scholar at the Council on Foreign Relations. “In most cases, this contact has not produced any lasting reconcilia­tion.”

The rivalry between the Taliban and its partners and ISIS-K will continue after the last U.S. troops leave, analysts say. And the fragile cooperatio­n between U.S. and Taliban commanders is already fraying, and the two could easily revert to their adversaria­l stances.

The U.S. military is taking the Taliban’s red line on the Tuesday pullout seriously. The recent evacuation­s have been possible because of Taliban cooperatio­n — in allowing most people to reach the airport unscathed, and in working against the threat of ISIS attacks, commanders say.

After Tuesday, military officials say, there is a real concern that at best, the cooperatio­n with the Taliban will end. At worst, that could lead to attacks on U.S. forces, foreign citizens and Afghan allies, either by Taliban elements or by their turning a blind eye to Islamic State threats.

Biden has pledged to prevent Afghanista­n from again becoming a sanctuary for al-Qaida and other terrorist groups that want to attack the American homeland. Military commanders say that will be a difficult task, with no troops and few spies on the ground, and armed drones thousands of miles away at bases in the Persian Gulf.

In the February 2020 agreement with the Trump administra­tion, the Taliban vowed not to allow al-Qaida to use Afghan territory to attack the U.S. But analysts fear that is not happening and that al-Qaida remains the longer-term terrorism threat.

As the U.N. report put it: “The Taliban and al-Qaida remain closely aligned and show no indication of breaking ties.”

Informatio­n for this article was contribute­d by Eric Schmitt of The New York Times and by Sayed Ziarmal Hashemi, Rahim Faiez, Lolita C. Baldor, Joseph Krauss, Jill Lawless, Jon Gambrell, Sylvie Corbet, Jan M. Olsen, Tameem Akhgar, Andrew Wilks, James LaPorta, Mike Corder, Philip Crowther, Colleen Barry, Aamer Madhani, Matthew Lee and Robert Burns of The Associated Press.

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