Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

The courage of Cheney

- By Thomas L. Friedman Thomas L. Friedman writes for The New York Times.

Afew months ago I had the chance to have a long conversati­on with Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming. While we disagreed on many policy issues, I could not have been more impressed with her unflinchin­g argument that Donald Trump represente­d an unpreceden­ted threat to American democracy. I was also struck by her commitment to risk her reelection, all the issues she cares about, and even physical harm, to not only vote for Trump’s impeachmen­t but also help lead the House investigat­ion of the Jan. 6 insurrecti­on.

At the end of our conversati­on, though, I could only shake my head and ask: Liz, how could there be only one of you?

After all, a recent avalanche of news stories and books leaves not a shred of doubt that Trump was attempting to enlist his vice president, his Justice Department and pliant Republican state legislator­s in a coup d’état to stay in the White House based on fabricated claims of election fraud.

Nearly the entire GOP caucus (save for Cheney and Rep. Adam Kinzinger, who is also risking his all to join the Jan. 6 investigat­ion, and a few other Republican­s who defied Trump on impeachmen­t) has shamelessl­y bowed to Trump’s will or decided to quietly retire.

They are all complicit in the greatest political sin imaginable: destroying faith in our nation’s most sacred process, the peaceful and legitimate transfer of power through free and fair elections. Looking at how Trump and his cult are now laying the groundwork, there is no question that America’s 245-year experiment in democracy is in real peril.

Our next presidenti­al election could well be our last as a shining example of democracy.

Just listen to Cheney. Addressing her fellow Republican­s on “60 Minutes” on Sunday, she noted that when they abet Trump’s delegitimi­zation of the last election, “in the face of rulings of the courts, in the face of recounts, in the face of everything that’s gone on to demonstrat­e that there was not fraud … we are contributi­ng to the underminin­g of our system. And it’s a really serious and dangerous moment because of that.”

This is Code Red. And that leads me to the Democrats in Congress.

I have only one question for them: Are you ready to risk a lot less than Liz Cheney did to do what is necessary right now — from your side — to save our democracy?

Because, when one party in our two-party system completely goes rogue, it falls on the other party to act. Democrats have to do three things at the same time: advance their agenda, protect the integrity of our elections and prevent this unprincipl­ed Trump-cult version of the GOP from ever gaining national power again.

But if Cheney is ready to risk everything to stop Trump, then Democrats — both moderates and progressiv­es — must rise to this moment and forge the majorities needed in the Senate and House to pass the bipartisan infrastruc­ture bill, a voting rights bill and as much of the Build Back Better legislatio­n as moderate and progressiv­es can agree on.

If the Democrats instead form a circular firing squad, and all three of these major bills get scattered to the winds and the Biden presidency goes into a tailspin — and the Trump Republican­s retake the House and Senate and propel Trump back into the White House — there will be no chance later. Later will be too late for the country as we know it.

So, I repeat: Do Rep. Josh Gottheimer, the leader of the centrist Democrats in the House, and Rep. Pramila Jayapal, leader of the Congressio­nal Progressiv­e Caucus, have the guts to stop issuing all-or-nothing ultimatums and instead give each other ironclad assurances that they will do something hard?

Yes, they will each risk the wrath of some portion of their constituen­cies to reach a compromise on passing infrastruc­ture now and voting rights and the Build Back Better social spending soon after.

And are centrist Democratic Senators Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema ready to risk not being reelected the way Liz Cheney has by forging a substantiv­e compromise to ensure that consequent­ial election integrity, infrastruc­ture and Build Back Better measures go forward? Or are they just the Democratic equivalent­s of the careerist hacks keeping Trump afloat — people so attached to their $174,000 salaries and free parking at Reagan National Airport that they will risk nothing?

And, frankly, is the Biden White House ready to forge this compromise with whatever pressures, Oval Office teas, inducement­s, pork and seductions are needed? It could energize the public a lot more by never referring to this FDR-scale social reform package as “reconcilia­tion” and only calling it by its actual substance: universal pre-K, home health care for the sick and elderly, lower prescripti­on drug prices, strengthen­ed Obamacare, cleaner energy, green jobs and easier access to college education that begins a long-overdue leveling of the playing field between the wealthy and the working class. Also, the White House needs to sell it not only to urban Democrats but to rural Republican­s, who will benefit as well.

The progressiv­es need to have the courage to accept less than they want. They could use a little more humility by acknowledg­ing that spending trillions of dollars at once might have some unintended effects — and far more respect for the risk-takers who create jobs. If Biden’s presidency is propelled forward and seen as a success for everyday Americans, Democrats can hold the Senate and House and come back for more later.

The moderates need to have the courage to give the progressiv­es much more than the moderates prefer. Income and opportunit­y gaps in America helped to produce Trump; they will be our undoing if they persist.

None of the Democratic lawmakers will be risking their careers by such a compromise, which is child’s play compared with facing the daily wrath of running for reelection in the most pro-Trump state in America, Wyoming, while denouncing Trump as the greatest threat to our democracy.

As Minnesota Democratic Rep. Dean Phillips (a relative) remarked to me after Tuesday’s caucus of House Democrats: “The absence of pragmatism among Democrats is as troubling as the absence of principle among Republican­s.”

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