Austin American-Statesman

Texas’ ineffectiv­e Enterprise Fund tilted to help the politicall­y savvy

- AMY MASHBERG, AUSTIN REX H. WHITE JR., AUSTIN

In 2013 and 2014, then-gubernator­ial candidate Greg Abbott expressed skepticism about corporate welfare. His predecesso­r, Gov. Rick Perry, had no such qualms. Perry had establishe­d the Texas Enterprise Fund in 2003 to help attract out-of-state businesses by dispensing “economic developmen­t” incentives. It grew to become the largest closing fund of its kind in the country.

But candidate Abbott wasn’t impressed. He repeatedly worried about corporate welfare cronyism, saying the government “should get out of the business of picking winners and losers.” However, when asked whether this meant he would discontinu­e the fund — a program that does just that — the candidate did not directly answer.

Now, it appears we know the answer. In his State of the State address in January, Gov. Abbott called on the Texas Legislatur­e to expand the fund, urging them to allocate $108 million to be used by early 2019.

Though programs like the Texas Enterprise Fund make little economic sense, they make perfect political sense. They allow politician­s to bestow benefits on a small-but-organized — and thus powerful — set of interest groups while spreading the costs across a broad-but-unorganize­d set of taxpayers, consumers and business owners.

The fund has long been dogged by accusation­s of misuse. A September 2014 audit discovered a lack of accountabi­lity between 2003 and 2013, as officials awarded $172 million outside of formal channels and failed to verify whether recipients actually created the jobs they promised.

Even if the fund had a clean record, the policy itself is counterpro­ductive.

Texans have spent an astounding $609 million on business subsidies since the inception of the program. The same amount of money could have fully funded the K-12 education of 5,000 students or repaved 500 miles of highway from Lubbock to Corpus Christi.

What might have happened if $609 million had not been collected from taxpayers at all? Imagine how many valuable local jobs the individual­s and businesses who footed the bill could have created over the past 14 years had they faced a lower tax rate. And because all taxation involves what economists call “excess burden,” those who paid the tax bills actually lost more money than the fund’s beneficiar­ies gained.

Abbott argues that “having a deal-closing fund can be an effective tool in keeping Texas competitiv­e.” In reality, the fund is quintessen­tially anti-competitiv­e, tilting the playing field toward those who know how to work the political system and away from those who don’t.

If yours is a homegrown Texas business, your tax dollars go to your potential competitor­s. To make matters worse, corporate subsidies encourage Texans to specialize in the wrong industries. If a business would not locate in Texas but for the subsidies, that suggests that Texas is not well-suited for it — and that Texans could be more prosperous focusing on another pursuit.

Moreover, those firms that are enticed to relocate for government cash are just the sort that are likely to skip town when a better deal comes along.

The numbers don’t lie: A review of dozens of empirical studies shows that these types of programs simply do not produce the sort of widespread prosperity that their proponents claim. As one recent report put it, business incentives “are excessivel­y costly and may not have the promised effects.”

When asked about the fund and how to ensure longterm prosperity for Texans, then-candidate Abbott had a wise answer: “Good tax structure,” he said, is the best incentive for business in Texas. Indeed, a good tax and regulatory environmen­t — and a general respect for economic freedom — are much better bets than corporate welfare. Hundreds of studies have now documented the direct associatio­n between greater economic freedom and higher standards of living.

There would be no better way to get the government “out of the business of picking winners and losers” than to close down the Texas Enterprise Fund and instead expand Texans’ economic freedom.

Re: March 9 commentary, “Two Views, Kolkhorst: Bathroom bill is about women’s rights.”

The transgende­r bathroom issue has been poorly framed by Democrats — as usual — and willfully misreprese­nted by Republican­s — again as usual. State Sen. Lois Kolkhorst poisonous op-ed is a stellar example of the latter.

Throughout her screed, she focuses only on potential predation. Not once does she consider the plight of transgende­r teens who already are often mercilessl­y bullied and now compelled to enter a hostile bathroom inconsiste­nt with their self-identifica­tion and appearance. No, instead it’s a constant, paranoid harping on nefarious males and helpless females.

This prejudiced, condemnato­ry, smirking piece would not be complete without sanctimoni­ous

Re: March 9 commentary, “Two Views, Kolkhorst: Bathroom bill is about women’s rights.”

It’s interestin­g that Sen. Kolkhorst would state that activists from outside the state are here to derail Senate Bill 6. I was at the Capitol yesterday for 14 hours and heard not “outof-state activists” but parents and their transgende­r children describing concerns about being forced to use the bathroom of the opposite gender.

I sat on a panel with several of those parents. One girl said she was forced to use the boys’ bathroom and described how a boy climbed over a stall to watch her. Meanwhile, the bill’s author was forced to admit that there were no instances of a transgende­r adult or child attacking anyone in a public restroom.

Calling these witnesses “outside activists” is extremely dismissive and really amazing, since the committee’s invited panels included anti-transgende­r activists from Illinois and Washington, the lieutenant governor of North Carolina and Tony Perkins, head of the Family Research Council.

Re: March 1 article, “Texas Senate supports call for a Convention of States.”

As you know, Gov. Greg Abbott is aggressive­ly seeking a constituti­onal Convention of States to add certain amendments to the U.S. Constituti­on. I perceive a constituti­onal Convention of States to be a dangerous event that would threaten to unravel our Constituti­on that has stood for over 200 years. Further, such a move would likely result in proposed amendments written by thousands of lobbyists rather than by duly elected members of Congress.

 ?? TAMIR KALIFA / AMERICAN-STATESMAN ?? Jim Webster, of Weatherfor­d, and others marched to the Texas Capitol to express their support for the administra­tion during a “March 4 Trump” rally on March 4.
TAMIR KALIFA / AMERICAN-STATESMAN Jim Webster, of Weatherfor­d, and others marched to the Texas Capitol to express their support for the administra­tion during a “March 4 Trump” rally on March 4.

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